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Widow of American dad killed in Somalia terror attack: 'He was my best friend'
Ahmed Abdikarin Eyow dreamed of building a library for Somalia's children.
Father who dreamed of rebuilding Somalia killed in terrorist attack
-- After putting their three children to bed in Bloomington, Minnesota, Ruun Abdi and her husband would stay up late, just to talk. He was the first man she met when she came to America and the two had been married nearly 17 years, but they never tired of laughing together.
"We’d drink tea together in the middle of the night, talking and laughing," Abdi, 45, told ABC News. "He was my best friend."
But on Oct. 14, as her husband, Ahmed Abdikarin Eyow, 52, checked into his hotel room on a visit to his native Mogadishu, Somalia, a truck bomb went off near the Safari Hotel, killing more than 350 people and injuring more than hundreds of others. At least two victims, including Eyow, were U.S. citizens, according to the State Department.
Eyow, a Muslim and a Somalian refugee, had been in the city only a few hours when he died in the blast. Abdi, also a U.S. citizen, said she was in the parking lot of the Islamic center in Bloomington when her brother-in-law called to tell her the news.
"He said, 'Something happened to the hotel where Ahmed was and people over there they can’t find him.’ And at that time, my world just crashed. I couldn’t move, I couldn’t drive the car. I just stopped the car and I started calling people," she said.
"We waited and waited and waited and waited until around six o’clock. Finally, we get the call and they say they find his body."
Al-Shabab, which pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda in 2012, was blamed for the Mogadishu bombing. It was the deadliest attack in the country's history, but far from the only one.
Al-Shabab, an international terrorist group, launched an insurgency on major cities in Somalia beginning in 2009. Although it has lost control of many urban centers and towns, the group has continued to carry out deadly attacks in the northern part of the country.
Among those killed in the Oct. 14 bombing were Somali-Americans like Eyow. After fleeing as refugees, many of them resettled in Minnesota, which is home to the largest Somali community in the United States, according to census data. Nearly 74,000 people in Minnesota speak some Somali, according to estimates released by the U.S. Census Bureau.
"We know at least 200 families or 200 individuals in our community have lost a relative in this bombing, whether it’s a first cousin or a relative, or a distant cousin," Jaylani Hussein, the executive director for the Council on American Islamic Relations in Minnesota, told ABC News. "It’s not just relatives, but it’s also close friends."
Like many in the Somalian diaspora, Eyow had returned to his home country to fulfill a dream, his wife said. He wanted "one day to open a library where the kids can go and read and talk about books instead of talking about war and guns," Abdi added.
War and guns have consumed much of the East African nation's recent past. Clan warlords battling for power carved up the country after the collapse of a military dictatorship in the early 1990s. After years of interim authority, an internationally backed federal government was installed in 2012. In February, Somalia elected its first president in decades.
But the federal government has failed to assert central authority over the entire nation which, combined with high youth unemployment, has created a niche for piracy and armed groups such as al-Shabab. This latest attack could be an indication of the power the group, whose name means "the youth," still wields.
Somalia's turbulent history shaped Eyow's life profoundly. When the country's government collapsed in 1991, he became a refugee, first fleeing to Eritrea and then eventually making his way to the United States in 1998. He settled in the Somali-American community in Minnesota, where he met and married Abdi.
He graduated with a bachelor's degree in human services last year and was working as a welder to support his young family, his wife said. He dreamed of continuing his studies.
Eyow's decision to get a university degree was also a way to set an example for the couple's two sons, Yunus, 14, and Yahya, 10, and daughter, Yusra, 13. "He believed education is everything," his wife said.
His children remember him as someone who always made sure they did their homework. Even as he visited family in Kenya before returning to Somalia this month, he would check in on his children's studies, which Yusra Eyow remembers well.
"When he was in Kenya, he would call me, ‘Oh you have a missing homework.’ I said, ‘I turned it in,’ and then he would check again and then it would say turned in, and he’d say, ‘But it’s late.’ He’d remind me not to turn it in late again," she said.
And despite the fact that he sometimes worked until midnight, his wife said, he also found time to have fun with his children.
"My dad taught me how to kick a soccer ball,” Yayha Eyow said. “He wanted me to be a soccer player.”
His wife said, "He was living the American dream. He’d always tell me, 'I have a house, I have a car, I have a job and I have children.’ He came to this country with nothing and then he built this life."
Like many Somali-Americans, Eyow never forgot where he came from or stopped trying to help the people there. He thought education could help rebuild Somalia, too. He wanted to get a master's degree in human services, and then he planned to go back and build the library, his wife said. He thought he could help Somalia by applying for a job as a representative with the United Nations as well.
Somalia has one of the world’s lowest enrollment rates for primary school-aged children, according to UNICEF. Just 30 percent of children in Somalia are enrolled in school across the country, and 18 percent of children in rural areas attend school.
In many areas across Somalia, parents are required to pay for their children’s education and the extremely high rates of poverty make it difficult for them to afford school fees, according to UNICEF.
Eyow dreamed of helping those children get an education so they could lift up their nation. In addition to the library, he also hoped to build a place where they could simply be children, with playgrounds, basketball courts, and even a pool.
"Mr. Eyow is what I would consider to be really a great example of what a new immigrant American success story looks like," Hussein, the executive director for the Council on American Islamic Relations in Minnesota, said. "He was someone doing everything you want someone to do -- to take a foothold in their new home, to be successful, to strive, and then to also not forget those who he has left behind."
Since his death, his wife said she has faced the uncertainty of how to make ends meet. The Dar Al-Farooq Islamic Center in Bloomington, where the family attends services, has set up a GoFundMe page to help support them.
“I’m sad and I’m mad, I’m everything. I’m devastated,” Abdi said. “He wasn’t only my husband, he was my best friend.”
For his family, it's about keeping his memory and his legacy alive.
"He was a wonderful man: great father, great husband, great human being," Abdi said. "Somali people, we all have that dream to go back to the country and to help those people who need it."
Somali community seeks answers to gun violence in Minneapolis
Members of Minnesota’s Somali community gather in Minneapolis to hear speakers at a National Crime Victims’ Rights Week event.
Losing loved ones to gun violence isn’t unusual for many Somali-Americans, a community uprooted by a civil war that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, tore their homeland apart and displaced millions.
What’s astonishing to them, they say, is the fact that Minneapolis police have yet to arrest those responsible for recent gun violence that have left dozens of young Somali men in the Twin Cities dead.
On Tuesday evening, scores of people assembled at Brian Coyle Center in Minneapolis as part of National Crime Victims’ Rights Week, which runs from April 10-16. Many who attended are mothers and relatives of the Somali men gunned down in Minneapolis.
While those attending the event took note of the advice from speakers, one question lingered: Who murdered the young men?
“We left our country to find safety in the U.S.,” Sarah Ismail said after the event. “I hear that a Somali man got shot in Minneapolis, but we never hear who killed them and why they were killed.”
Members of the Somali community have speculated that some of the killings were sparked by gang- or drug-inspired activities. But when 31-year-old Fuad Ali was slain, some in the community said they were bewildered, others fearful. Ali was well known in the Somali-Minnesota community and owned two banquet halls the community used for parties and wedding ceremonies.
‘No one is safe’
Some families declined to comment on the death of their relatives because the cases remain open. Others said they didn’t want to talk because doing so reopens wounds.
Ilyaas Maow, an editor of the Minneapolis-based Mogadishu Times, said he has covered more than 10 incidents of gun violence involving Somali men in less than a year. Among the victims was his friend, Ali.
“I’ve known Fuad for years,” Maow said. “I saw him the day of the night he was shot dead. And the next day, I buried him.”
Maow said many in the Somali community had long thought the violence was limited to gang members fighting each other. But with the death of Ali and others like him, there is a different storyline: Many in the community say they no longer feel safe.
“When I heard Fuad was killed, I realized that no one is safe here,” Maow said. “He was a family man, a businessman, a college graduate. And now he’s dead. Who killed him? No one knows.”
Community must come forward
Speakers at the National Crime Victims’ Rights Week event told the crowd about ways to prevent criminal activities.
Among the speakers was Alice White, a Minneapolis Police Department officer who encouraged community members to speak out against crimes they see in their neighborhoods.
“If everyone in the community starts to look out for these minor crimes that occur, people are going to know that this community does not tolerate even minor crimes,” she said. “So they can only imagine what could occur if they decide to make a major crime.”
Hennepin County Attorney Michael Freeman also pleaded with the audience to report criminal activities they observe.
“Let me be very direct,” Freeman said. “There are several deaths out there where a Somali person has been killed and we in the police can’t solve that crime because people in the community have not come forward to tell us who might have done it, who was there at the time the crime was committed or what happened. And if we don’t have that help, we can’t solve that crime.”
Hodan Ali, an elderly woman at the event, later expressed disapproval of Freeman’s plea. Ali explained the danger of testifying or reporting a crime to police:
“If I come forward and point a finger to the killer, they will kill me or hurt me and my family,” Ali said in Somali. “How can I say I saw someone kill someone else? We’re scared.”
From the Ashes, a Chunk of America Beckons in Somalia
MOGADISHU, Somalia, Sept. 23 — They call her the “Black Hawk Down” lady.
And in the corner of her dirt yard, beneath rags drying in the sun and next to a bowl of filthy wash water, she keeps a chunk of history that most Americans would probably like to forget.
It is the battered nose of a Black Hawk helicopter, from one of the two that got shot down in Mogadishu on Oct. 3, 1993, in an infamous battle that killed 18 Americans, led to a major foreign policy shift and spawned a big movie.
The Black Hawk Down lady stands fiercely at her gate and charges admission to see it.
“You, you, you,” she said on a recent day, jabbing her finger at three visitors. “Pay, pay, pay.”
American military officials, who were sent e-mail messages with pictures, said the nose piece did appear to be from one of the Black Hawks brought down that day. But they said they had no interest in retrieving it, for a memorial or any other purpose.
So it remains a strange tourist attraction in a strange and war-weary place, where bazooka guns hang in the market next to slabs of fly-bitten goat meat, and children at school casually recite passages about massacres in English class. And just as the Black Hawk Down episode has special significance for Americans, it does, too, for many Somalis, who take enormous pride in having humiliated a superpower that day.
The Black Hawk Down lady’s real name is Hawa Elmi. She grew up a nomad, herding camels in Somalia’s deserts, and never went to school. She moved to Mogadishu in the 1960’s, when it was a showcase of Italian architecture, a gem along the sea.
She is 66, loud and excitable. The other day during an interview, every answer came in shouts.
On the afternoon of Oct. 3, 1993, Ms. Elmi said, she was sitting in her yard, minding her own business, when a helicopter slammed into the back of her house. A task force of Army Rangers and Delta Force commandos were trying to snatch the henchmen of one of Mogadishu’s most notorious warlords, Mohammed Farah Aidid. But the mission quickly went sideways — a soldier slipped off a rope while rappelling from a helicopter, a rescue convoy got lost in the maze of Mogadishu’s streets and Somali militiamen plucked off two Black Hawks with rocket-propelled grenades.
The neighborhood closed in on the trapped Americans, and by the time the battle was over, 18 elite American soldiers were dead and dozens were wounded and approximately 1,000 Somalis had been killed.
A few days later, President Clinton began drawing up plans to pull out the troops.
Ecstatic Somalis ransacked the wreckage, stripping the helicopters and melting down the metal. Some people even ripped insignia patches off the bodies of the soldiers to keep as grim souvenirs.
Maxamed Cali Geedi, who fought for Mr. Aidid years ago, still carries a set of insignia from an American sergeant’s uniform.
“To remember my friends who were killed,” he explained.
But Ms. Elmi had a different plan. Her husband had died a long time ago, and she had six children to feed. Two of her older sons were killed, she said, when the helicopter crashed. She dragged the cracked nose piece, about five feet across but actually pretty light because it was made of fiberglass, back to her house. She lives in the middle of a neighborhood named Tokyo, because it is so packed. It is a warren of tin shacks and sandy streets, as shot up and smashed by cannon fire as the rest of Mogadishu.
Ms. Elmi began humbly, charging neighborhood boys the equivalent of a few cents to get a peek at her one exhibit, the last known chunk of wreckage from what Somalis refer to as Ma-alinti Rangers, the Day of the Rangers.
But after the movie “Black Hawk Down” came out in 2001 — and pirated copies found their way to Mogadishu — business boomed.
“So many people came, I cannot count,” she said. “White people, brown people, black people.”
When asked why they come, she snapped: “How should I know? Do you think I am mind reader?”
The entrance fee is now around $3 for foreigners locals get a discount and pay 75 cents.
Anthony C. Zinni, a retired American general who helped oversee operations in Somalia in 1993, said he thought it was a little weird that residents in a city littered with so much war wreckage would pay anything to see this. “Nothing, however, about Somalia surprises me,” he added.
Ms. Elmi said that foreign visitors (most likely journalists and aid workers) usually tipped well, but that many times rude militiamen barged in and refused to pay at all.
Those days are largely over. Mogadishu is now ruled by Islamist clerics who have delivered a level of order and stability that the city had not seen for years, though that may not last. Part of the reason they rose to power was that the Islamists tapped into anti-American sentiment by challenging warlords backed by the United States.
Some people say they fear the Islamists will impose a draconian version of Islam in Somalia, which up until recently had been relatively secular.
October 3: An Important Day in the History of the 3rd Ranger Battalion
Several important days in the history and lineage of the 3rd Ranger Battalion happened on October 3rd.
The U.S. Army Rangers date back to the Colonial Days before the American Revolution when the British raised a company of New Hampshire woodsmen who became an independent Ranger Company under Major Robert Rogers.
“Rogers’ Rangers” were greatly valued by the British during the French and Indian War for their skills at reconnaissance and at conducting light infantry operations. The British then expanded the Rangers into 14 different companies that took part in 14 different engagements during the war. Rogers’s writing on his 28 “Rules of Ranging” is still in use today by Army Rangers.
Rangers appeared briefly in other American wars during the 19th century. Yet, it wasn’t until World War II that the Rangers began forming the Ranger Battalions we’re used to today. Following the lead of the British Commandos, the United States formed the 1st Ranger Battalion in England under the command of William O. Darby. The 1st Battalion fought with distinction in North Africa.
Because of their success, Darby quickly formed the 3rd and 4th Ranger Battalions. Combined with the 1st they made up the Ranger Force. The Rangers fought in Sicily and later in mainland Italy in early 1944. The 3rd Ranger Battalion was wiped out at the bloody battle of Cisterna.
But in 1943, another unit, which would be indelibly tied to the Rangers and the 75th Ranger Regiment, was born. That was the 5307th Composite Unit (Provisional), better known as “Merrill’s Marauders.” They were formed in late September and shipped to Burma.
During the fighting there, the Marauders had to deal with the Japanese, a 1,100-mile trek to their objective, and tropical diseases that decimated their ranks. For their accomplishments in Burma, the Marauders were awarded the “Presidential Unit Citation.” The award is still worn by members of the follow-on units on their uniforms. The Marauders also have the extremely rare distinction of having every member of the unit receive the “Bronze Star.”
Read Next: Army Ranger History: From the Beginning
The unit was disbanded and consolidated with the 475th Infantry on August 10, 1944. On June 21, 1954, the 475th was redesignated as the 75th Infantry. It is from the redesignation of Merrill’s Marauders into the 75th Infantry Regiment that the modern-day 75th Ranger Regiment traces its current unit designation.
Ranger Companies were formed in the Korean War, as well as in Vietnam where Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols (LRRP), known as “Lurps” were designated as part of the 75th Infantry. In 1974, the 1st Ranger Battalion was formed and stationed at Hunter Army Airfield. Several months later, on October 1, 1974, the 2nd Ranger Battalion was formed at Ft. Lewis, Washington.
The current 3rd Ranger Battalion was formed a decade later, on October 3, 1984, at Ft. Benning, Georgia.
The first known official photo of 1st Platoon, B Company, 3rd Battalion, 75th Ranger Regiment, taken during 1984 at the time of the Battalion’s reorganization. (Photo courtesy of Ranger Michael Sisemore/75th Ranger Regiment Facebook Page.)
In December 1989, the battalion was called upon during the invasion of Panama for “Operation Just Cause.” Two companies of 3rd Battalion were tasked with seizing the airfield of Rio Hato, west of Panama City. Another company was part of the Ranger force that seized the airfield at Torrijos/Tocumen.
However, the 3rd Ranger Battalion would be forever linked with the Battle of Mogadishu which took place on October 3, 1993, exactly nine years to the day after the forming of the battalion.
B Company, 3rd Ranger Battalion under the command of Captain Michael Steele, along with C Squadron, 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (1st SFOD-D), aircraft and aircrews from the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment, and Air Force Pararescuemen and Combat Controllers from the 24th Special Tactics Squadron, as well as troops from the 10th Mountain Division, were after two high-ranking officers of the Somali warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid who were in Mogadishu.
There they took part in a bloody 18-hour running gun battle with a numerically far superior force of Somali fighters under Aidid. Overall, 19 Americans as well as hundreds of Somalis would die. Among the Americans killed were six Rangers from 3rd Battalion: Corporal James “Jamie” E. Smith, Specialist James M. Cavaco, Sergeant James Casey Joyce, Corporal Richard “Alphabet” W. Kowalewski Jr., Sergeant Dominick M. Pilla, and Sergeant Lorenzo M. Ruiz.
The battle was famously depicted in the “Black Hawk Down” film.
Read Next: On this day in SOF history—October 3rd: Battle of Mogadishu, origins of the Blackhawk name, 3rd Ranger Battalion
It should be noted that when the filming of “Black Hawk Down” began in 2001 in Morocco, several members of B Co. 3rd Battalion were sent to film the fast-roping scenes into the objective area.
The 3rd Ranger Battalion has continued to serve in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria during the ongoing wars on terror.
On October 3rd, the 3rd Ranger Battalion not only celebrates its birthday but also remembers its fallen.
Established in 2004 and internationally recognized, the Transitional Federal Government's (TFG) support in Somalia was waning until the United States-backed 2006 intervention by the Ethiopian military, which helped drive out the rival Islamic Courts Union (ICU) in Mogadishu and solidify the TFG's rule.  Following this defeat, the ICU splintered into several different factions. Some of the more radical elements, including Al-Shabaab, regrouped to continue their insurgency against the TFG and oppose the Ethiopian military's presence in Somalia. Throughout 2007 and 2008, Al-Shabaab scored military victories, seizing control of key towns and ports in both central and southern Somalia. At the end of 2008, the group had captured Baidoa but not Mogadishu. By January 2009, Al-Shabaab and other militias had managed to force the Ethiopian troops to withdraw from the country, leaving behind an underequipped African Union (AU) peacekeeping force.  A power sharing deal ensued between an Islamist splinter group led by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed's Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia Djibouti faction (ARS-D) and TFG Prime Minister Nur Hassan in Djibouti. Al-Shabaab, which had separated from the moderate Islamists of the insurgency, rejected the peace deal and continued to take territories. It was joined by Hizbul Islam, which is an amalgamation of four Islamist group including the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia – Asmara faction. Another Islamist group, Ahlu Sunnah Waljama'ah, which was allied with the TFG and supported by Ethiopia, continues to attack al-Shabaab and take over towns as well although they have been effective only in the central region of Galguduud, where they ousted al-Shabaab from most of the region.   
After the parliament took in 275 officials from the moderate Islamist opposition, ARS leader Sheikh Ahmed was elected TFG President on 31 January 2009.  Since then, the al-Shabaab radical Islamists have accused the new TFG President of accepting the secular transitional government and have continued the civil war since he arrived in Mogadishu at the presidential palace in early February 2009. 
2009–10: War begins Edit
Al-Shabaab also vowed to fight the government. On 4 February 2009, four Islamist groups, including Hassan Dahir Aweys' Eritrean branch of the ARS merged and created the group Hisbi Islam, to oppose the new government of Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.   New TFG President Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed arrived in Mogadishu as a president for the first time on 7 February 2009. The al-Shabaab and other radical Islamists began firing at the new TFG president hours later. They accused the new President of accepting the secular transitional government. 
On 8 February, heavy fighting broke out in southern Mogadishu.  al-Shabaab leader Sheikh Mukhtar Robow (Abu Mansur) met with Sharif Ahmed for peace talks during his visit to Mogadishu, while Omar Iman rejected the president.  During these negotiations, Sharif Ahmed said that he would be prepared to enforce Sharia Law in Somalia, which was the radical groups' main demand.  However, Sheikh Mukhtar Robow, a former Al-Shabab spokesman, denied having talked to Sharif Ahmed and vowed to continue fighting until his demands for Sharia Law were met.  Sheikh Mukhtar Robow warned Nigeria against sending peace keepers to Somalia, as al-Shabaab view the AU peace keepers as occupying forces.  An offensive was launched two days later by al-Shabaab to take the Bakool province. Government officials who had been ousted from Baidoa had been amassing troops in the city of Hudur (Xudur) and planning a major offensive to re-take Baidoa. Islamist forces attacked the province and reached the capital where they started a battle against government forces.   In Galmudug, Clan militia took the town of Masagaway from al-Shabaab while there was also fighting in Warsheekh. 
The spokesman for al-Shabaab at the time, Sheikh Mukhtar Robow (Abu Mansur), rebuffed reports from several media outlets that a mutual agreement between him and newly elected president Sharif Ahmed was made. In his 12 February statement he also added that he had no intention to contact the president on any matters, and that they would continue fighting against foreign troops and what he described as an "apostate" government. Al-Shabaab also vowed war against the new government.   On 22 February, a double suicide bomb attack on an AU base in Mogadishu left 11 Burundian soldiers dead and another 15 wounded. Two days later heavy fighting erupted in the city as TFG and AU forces attempted to retake the city from radical Islamist forces. The fighting lasted for two days and killed 87 people, including: 48 civilians, 15 insurgents and 6 TFG policemen. At the same time as the fighting raged in Mogadishu, al-Shabaab forces took the town of Hudor, to the north-west, in fighting that killed another 20 people: 10 TFG soldiers, 6 insurgents and 4 civilians. On 28 February, it appeared that Hisbi Islam would sign a ceasefire with the Transitional Federal Government.  However, by 1 March, it was clear that no ceasefire would be given, despite President Sharif Ahmed having agreed to proposals for a truce and having offered to accept the implementation of Sharia Law but refused to move troops from civilian areas despite the Islamists doing so.   Al-Shabaab announced on 6 May that it would continue the war even if AMISOM withdrew. The Somali government in turn later announced an immediate blockade on airstrips and seaports under insurgent control to stop the flow of weapons reaching them.  
Battle of Mogadishu and central Somalia Edit
On 7 May, a fierce battle for control of Mogadishu started between al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam against the TFG. Hundreds were killed and injured and tens of thousands were displaced. By 11 May, rebel forces gained the upper hand and made large gains taking over most of the capital. The rebels came close to overthrowing the government before fighting ended on 14 May, new rounds of fighting would last all through August. By 16 May, al-Shabaab captured the strategic town of Jowhar, which connects Mogadishu with central Somalia.  One of the largest battles of the war took place about 3 weeks later on 5 June when Hizbul Islam captured Wabho leaving 123 combatants killed. It was also rumoured Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys was injured in this battle.   On 19 June, the transitional parliament speaker Sheikh Adan Mohamed Nuur Madobe asked the international community to send foreign troops to Somalia within the following 24 hours. He stated that the government's power is on the verge of being defeated by Islamist forces in the Somali capital.  The Somali cabinet declared a state of emergency, and asked for help from neighboring countries which included Kenya, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Yemen. Ethiopia refused saying intervention needs an international mandate.   Al-Shabaab responded by 21 June saying they would fight any foreign troops, and made threats against potential Kenyan intervention.  
President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed declared a state of emergency by 22 June, as a new round of fighting in Mogadishu left 12 dead and 20 injured with hundreds more fleeing the city.  The notion of Ethiopian troops intervening in the conflict caused defections by local government administration officials. Areas affected by this included Beledweyne, El-gal village, and Hiraan.   The effects also caused many pro-government Islamic Courts Union officials to resign.  In response, TFG forces led by general Muktar Hussein Afrah started military manoeuvers in the East side of Mogadishu. On 6 July, The Amir of al-Shabaab (Sheikh Moktar Ali Zubeyr) gave government forces an ultimatum of 5 days to hand over their weapons which was rejected.   At some point, foreign aid to the government was provided in the form of security advisors. On 17 July, two of these advisors (sent by France) were captured by insurgents. The Somali government gave permission for French commandos to launch operations inside Somalia to free the 2 French nationals that held by al-Shabaab.   France responded on 22 July by sending in warships and helicopters near the ports of Mogadishu and Marka declaring they would undertake military operations to free the two French military advisers who had been captured by insurgents.  One of the hostages eventually was able to escape by August 2009, while the other was last seen in a video released in June 2010 asking for assistance.    The United States also took up targeting Al-Qaeda members such as Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, who was killed along with 6 others in military helicopter raid on 15 September. 
Al-Shabaab-Hizbul Islam conflict Edit
The armed conflict between Hizbul Islam and al-Shabaab began due to a dispute between the faction of the Ras Kamboni Brigades led by Sheikh Ahmed "Madoobe" and al-Shabaab, over a power sharing agreement in Kisimayo.  Hizbul Islam and al-Shabaab had made a power sharing agreement for the city, where the power would rotate between the two factions, with each faction controlling the city for periods of six months. However, due to clan politics al-Shabaab refused to let the power rotation take place.  This led to internal problems within Hizbul Islam as its ARS-A and JABISO factions, which were aligned with al-Shabaab in Hiran and Mogadishu, refused to support the Ras Kamboni Brigades, while Anole remained neutral. It also led to a split within the Ras Kamboni Brigades, with a faction led by Hizbul Islam's deputy chairman Sheikh Hassan "Turki" refusing to back Ahmad "Madoobe" and instead siding with al-Shabaab.  It was reported on 1 October that heavy fighting in Kisimayo had broken out between the two factions, al-Shabaab controlled most of the city with dozens of casualties reported by the afternoon.  At least 17 more people were killed in a series of battles overnight on 5 October. Hizbul Islam claimed that they had captured foreign fighters in the battle.   The battle eventually ended with a decisive victory for al-Shabaab, which expelled Madbobe's Ras Kamboni Brigade forces from the city. 
Throughout 2009 November, fighting between the two factions continued as the battle lines moved into Southern Somalia, resulting in a decrease in insurgent attacks at Mogadishu targeting government forces (TFG) and their allies (AMISOM).   Sheikh Ahmad Madobe's forces were ultimately overpowered by al-Shabaab and its local allies, and forced to withdraw from the Lower Jubba region and most of Southern Somalia.   The merger between al-Shabaab and Sheikh Hassan Turki's branch of the Ras Kamboni Brigades occurred early in 2010 (February) with a call for other groups in Hizbul Islam to do the same.   Additional battles throughout 2010 were fought between Hizbul Islam and al-Shabaab in central Somalia as fighting moved from the Hiran region to the Bay region, to Lower Shabelle.     Hizbul Islam eventually was forced to surrender the Luuq District in Gedo region to al-Shabaab, after which the group announced that it would merge with al-Shabaab. From mid-December al-Shabaab fighters started taking over Hizbul Islam positions. The merge was confirmed on 20 December, when Hizbul Islam Chairman Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys and Sheikh Mohammad Osman Arus, the organisation's official spokesman, surrendered to al-Shabaab and disbanded the organisation.  
2011–15: Government forces retake lost territory Edit
Battle of Gashandiga Edit
Al-Shabaab controlled roughly half the lands claimed by the Somali government at their greatest extent in 2009 July. With the help of allies, government forces slowly started to make gains that would lead to a retake of lost territory through various military operations. An offensive on 20 February 2011 was dubbed by AU Representative Wafula Wamunyinyi as the "Battle of Gashandiga."  This offensive involved AMISOM troops destroying a large complex of al-Shabaab trenches, killing six al-Shabaab commanders in Mogadishu.  Towards the end of February, disturbances moved into Mogadishu again in the form of one suicide attack and heavy shelling as al-Shabaab fighters attempted to re-take lost territory. This push resulted in the deaths of at least 47 people, rebels displayed one wounded and five dead Burundian AMISOM soldiers.    Another offensive was opened up between 26 February and 28 February by TFG troops with support of Ethiopian soldiers in Bula Hawo (southern Somalia), resulting in 33 deaths.
By 5 March, AMISOM and TFG forces claimed to control seven of the city's districts, while six were contested and three were controlled by anti-government forces. Al-Shabaab responded to the government offensive by putting up roadblocks to prevent the movement of goods from the seaport. This adversely affected both sides of the conflict, as the TFG controlled the port and its profits. At the same time though, places such as Bakaara Market were controlled by the insurgents where many of the goods were bound to be sold.  It was also reported by this time that up to 53 AMISOM may have died in the clashes, which included 43 Burundian and 10 Ugandans.  An additional 1,000 peacekeepers to assist in the TFG's renewed offensive against al-Shabaab were brought in, and by 16 March AMISOM had a force of nearly 9,000. 
Defeat of Al-Shabaab in Mogadishu Edit
The 2010–11 battle of Mogadishu began when al-Shabaab militants launched an offensive to capture the city. The battle soon swung in favor of government forces, who were able to drive the militant group out by 11 October 2011.  The complete capture of the city took place on 7 September 2012, when the Transitional Federal Government's troops and their AMISOM allies managed to secure the city. Around the same time witnesses reported Al-Shabaab vehicles abandoning their bases in the capital for the south-central city of Baidoa. The group's spokesman Sheikh Ali Mohamud Rage described the exodus as a tactical retreat, and vowed to continue the insurgency against the national government. Observers have suggested that the pullout may have been caused in part by internal ideological rifts in the rebel organization.  The city was by no means safe after al-Shabaab withdrew as the militant group continued hit and run tactics in the Northern part of the city. Suicide bombs continued to be an occurrence lasting into 2020 (see below).  
Fighting in Puntland Edit
On 2 to 3 September, fighting was reported in Puntland that resulted in the deaths of up to 60 people, including 8 Puntland soldiers and 40 Al-Shabaab militants, with Insurgents being repelled.   Al-Shabaab claimed on 7 September that they have captured 2 Kenyan troops who were on a surveillance mission near the Kenyan-Somali Border.  Puntland forces captured 18 members of Al-Shabaab in counter-terrorism operations on 8 September. 
Battle of Elwaq & Kismayo offensive Edit
Al-Shabaab attacked the southern town of Elwaq on 10 September 2011, resulting in the deaths of 12 insurgents and soldiers.  The next day, Somali troops fought back, retaking the town after militants fled on captured technicals.  The bodies of 30 militants were later found, some of them children.  Conversely, Al-Shabaab claimed they killed around 70 government aligned troops and captured 10 technicals. 
The Burundian military lost 51 soldiers in October, causing anger among Burundians, who believe that their country is sacrificing too much. Many Burundians have urged other AU members to contribute troops to the Somalia mission. Nigeria, Djibouti, and Guinea have indicated sending troops, but all have yet to contribute. 
On 4 September 2012 the Kenyan Navy shelled Kismayo. This was part of an AU offensive to capture the city from al-Shabab fighters. The harbour was shelled two times and the airport three times. According to a UN report the export of charcoal through Kismayo is a major source of income for al-Shabab. 
On 28 September 2012, the Somali National Army assisted by AMISOM troops and Ras Kamboni militia launched an assault on Kismayo, Al-Shabaab's last major stronghold. The allied forces reportedly managed to re-capture much of the city from the insurgents.  
Operation Indian Ocean & Jubba Corridor Edit
In August 2014, the Somali government-led Operation Indian Ocean was launched to clean up the remaining insurgent-held pockets in the countryside.  On 1 September 2014, a U.S. drone strike carried out as part of the broader mission killed Al-Shabaab leader Moktar Ali Zubeyr.  U.S. authorities hailed the raid as a major symbolic and operational loss for Al-Shabaab, and the Somali government offered a 45-day amnesty to all moderate members of the militant group. Political analysts also suggested that the insurgent commander's death will likely lead to Al-Shabaab's fragmentation and eventual dissolution. 
At the end of the month of July 2015, AMISOM and Somalia National Army regained many villages and major towns of Baardhere and Dinsoor. 
2016: Battle of El Adde and resurgence of Al Shabaab Edit
On 15 January 2016, Al Shabaab attacked a Kenyan-run AMISOM base in El Adde Somalia, overrunning the compound and killing approximately 60 soldiers. Al Shabaab then regained the important town of Marka, 45 km from the capital, and the port of Gard in Puntland region (March 2016). The resurgence of Al Shabaab could entail serious implications for the humanitarian sector. 
On 5 March 2016, U.S. airstrikes carried out by aircraft and unmanned drones killed more than 150 Al-Shabaab terrorists at a terrorist training camp called "Camp Raso", located about 120 miles north of Mogadishu as they were completing "training for a large-scale attack" according to a Pentagon spokesman. The camp had been under surveillance for some time before the strike.  In the early hours of 9 March 2016, U.S. special forces and Somali national army special forces killed between 1 and 15 Al-Shabaab terrorists in a heliborne-attack on the Al-Shabaab-controlled town of Awdhegele, as well as capturing an undisclosed number of high-value Al-Shabaab figures the mililtants were training for a major operation against coalition forces.   
On 11/12 April 2016, two U.S. airstrikes on Al-Shabaab targets in the town of Kismayo killed about a dozen suspected militants who posed a "imminent threat" to American troops in the country.   As of May 2016, roughly 50 U.S. special operations troops operate at undisclosed locations across southern Somalia, with their headquarters at the airport in Mogadishu advising and assisting, Kenyan, Somali and Ugandan forces in their fight against Al-Shabaab. Also in that month, U.S. personnel helped those forces plan an operation against illegal checkpoints. 
On 12 May 2016, a small group of U.S. military advisers accompanied some Ugandan soldiers during a raid on an illegal taxation checkpoint just west of Mogadishu, when the Ugandans came under fire from 15 to 20 al Shabaab militants, the U.S. commander on the ground called in a "defensive" airstrike, killing five militants and wounding two more.  Two days previously, the U.S. provided helicopters and advise and assist in support of a Somali military mission against a group of al Shabaab militants, which one defense official said was also defensive because they had intelligence that the al Shabaab fighters were planning an attack on the AMISOM installation nearby. No word on how many al Shabaab were killed or wounded in that operation.  On 13 May, a U.S. strike targeted nine al-Shabab militants, three of them were allegedly killed. 
On the night of 31 May 2016, two senior Al-Shabaab operatives Mohamud Dulyadeyn, the plotter behind the Garissa University attack in April 2015 and Maalim Daud, head of Al-Shabaab's intelligence hit squads and another 16 members from Al-Shabaab were killed by the Somali National Army and anti-terror partners. Defense Department spokeswoman Lt. Col. Michelle L. Baldanza told CNN "U.S. forces supported this Somali-led operation in an advise-and-assist role,".  
On 1 June 2016, Al Shabaab militants attacked with a car bomb on the gate of Ambassador Hotel in Mogadishu, Somalia. At least 15 people have been killed in the attack, among 10 civilian pedestrians and two members of parliament near the gate.  Also that day, the Pentagon announced that it had conducted an airstrike that killed a senior Al-Shabaab leader in Somalia on 27 May.  On 3 August 2016, a contingent of elite American troops acting as military advisers assisted Somali commandos in an assault on an al-Shabaab checkpoint in Saakow, as the Somali-led force approached the checkpoint the militants opened fire, a gun battle ensued that resulted in 3 militants killed. 
On 29 September 2016, a Somali regional government demanded an explanation from the United States after an airstrike killed 22 civilians and other soldiers instead of the targeted al-Shabab militants in Galmudug.  The Military Times also reported that on 26 September a bomb-manufacturing network linked al-Shabaab attacked a small team of U.S. and Somali troops, who were conducting an operation near Kismayo, with small-arms fire. A Pentagon spokesman said the U.S. military "conducted a self-defense strike to neutralize the threat and in doing so killed nine enemy fighters." Also on 28 September, near the town of Galkayo, a Somali army unit conducting counterterrorism operations nearby, when the Somali soldiers came under fire from al-Shabab militants. The Somali soldiers engaged them, then broke contact and rejoined with their nearby American advisers and soon afterwards the militants "began to maneuver in an offensive manner" so the U.S. conducted a self-defense airstrike, killing 4 militants. 
2017: American involvement expanded Edit
In late March 2017, President Donald Trump signed off a new strategy granting AFRICOM more freedom in counterterrorist operations.
Stars and Stripes reported that in addition to the stepping-up of airstrikes, US special forces on the frontlines with Somali forces have also been increased, conventional US troops give lessons in building defense institutions, with added support from other nations. 
CNN reported that General Thomas Waldhauser, commander of AFRICOM, told reporters in April that the US seeks to help Somali security forces gain the ability to provide for their own security by 2021. 
The New York Times reported that on 4 May 2017, a US Navy SEAL team partnered with Somali National Army forces, carried out a mission on an al-Shabaab-occupied complex around 60 kilometres (40 mi) west of Mogadishu.  Fox News reported that they targeting what Pentagon spokesperson Captain Jeff Davis said was a "group of people" associated with attacks on Mogadishu.  The New York Times reported that Defence Department officials said that Somali forces were to have led the operation, with the SEALs hanging back in an advise, assist and accompany role, however Brig.Gen. David J. Furness, the commander of the military's task force for the Horn of Africa, said that American and Somali forces were traveling together in a single group. Whilst approaching the complex, the militants opened fire and the mission was aborted, Senior chief petty officer Kyle Milliken was killed, 2 other SEALs and an interpreter were wounded. Captain Jeff Davis said that the mission "resulted in the death of three Shabaab operatives including Moalin Osman Abdi Badil," the group quickly returned to the aircraft that had taken it to the area and was exfilled. Davis described Badil as an al-Shabaab leader responsible for gathering information on troop movements in order to support attacks on Somali and African Union forces and that he had been linked to the death of several soldiers and at least one civilian. 
CNN reported that on 11 June 2017, that a US air strike killed 8 al-Shabaab militants in Sakow, the president of Somalia said that "This was a successful strike which destroyed a key Al-Shabaab command and supply hub," and that "This will ultimately disrupt the enemy's ability to conduct new attacks within Somalia."  CNN reported that on 23 July 2017, The US carried out a targeted airstrike an al-Shabaab regional commander in Banadir.  Fox News reported that on 30 July 2017, a US strike near Tortoroow in southern Somalia which was coordinated with regional partners as a direct response to al-Shabaab's actions which included attacks on Somali forces, killed Ali Jabal, who was considered a senior al-Shabaab terrorist and was responsible for leading forces operating in the Mogadishu and Banadiir area, including planning and carrying out attacks in Mogadishu. 
ABC reported that on 10 August 2017, airstrikes conducted by drones in Banaadir in a joint operation against al-Shabaab fighters, killing a high-level al-Shabaab leader. The airstrikes marked the fourth offensive airstrike against al-Shabaab since the new authorisation in March.   CNN reported that on 17 August 2017, the US conducted a "self defense" drone strike in Jilib after a joint US-Somali force, consisting of Somali troops and US advisors, came under direct attack by al-Shabaab militants and a firefight ensued, 7 militants were killed. 
Military.com reported that on 3 November 2017, that a US drone conducted two airstrikes against Islamic State in Somalia, at least six missiles were used which struck in Buqa, 37 miles north of Qandala, AFRICOM said in a statement that "several terrorists" were killed and that the strikes were carried out in coordination with Somalia's government marking the first time the US has conducted airstrikes against ISS terrorists in Somalia.  CNN reported that US drone aircraft conducted 5 strikes between 9 and 12 November against al-Shabaab and ISS linked militants, killing 36 al-Shabaab and 4 ISS terrorists. One of the strikes killed an al-Shabaab terrorist who had attacked a joint US-Somali military convoy in Gaduud.  CNN reported that a US airstrike on a camp 125 miles northwest of Mogadishu killed more than 100 al-Shabaab militants the US now estimates there are between 3,000 and 6,000 al-Shabaab fighters and less than 250 ISIS operatives in Somalia  Military Times reported that on 14 November, a US drone strike roughly 60 miles northwest of Mogadishu killed several al-Shabaab militants.  CNN reported that on 24 December, a U.S. airstrike in southern Somalia killed 13 al-Shabaab terrorists. 
2018–present: Ongoing guerrilla warfare Edit
By 2019, the United States has been heavily involved through airstrikes in the Somali conflict.  On 14 April 2019, AFRICOM managed to kill Abdulhakim Dhuqub, a high ranking ISIS-Somalia official, near Xiriiro, Bari Region.  On 25 October 2019, a U.S. airstrike targeted Islamic militants near Ameyra, south of Bosaso, which killed three of their leaders. 
On 12 July 2019, A car bomb and a gun attack killed at least 26, including two prominent journalists and nine foreigners, in Kismayo, Somalia. On 22 July a bomb killed 17 and injured 28 in Mogadishu. Days later on 24 July, a suicide bomber detonated inside the office of the Mayor of Mogadishu killing six government officials, mayor Abdirahman Abdi Osman was hospitalised in Doha, Qatar before succumbing to his injuries on 1 August.  
On 26 August 2019 Somali army captured Burweryn from Al-Shabaab. 
On 5 January 2020, Al-Shabbab militants attacked the airstrip of the military base Camp Simba used by US and Kenyan forces. One US serviceman and two contractors were killed and two US servicemen wounded, four militants were also killed in the gunfight. 
On 19 March 2020 Somali army captured Jamale town from Al-Shabaab with support from US military. 
On 31 May 2020, the Somali military shot dead approximately 18 al-Shabaab militants and injured several others in an operation conducted in the southern lower Shabelle region. 
On 3 April 2021, Al-Shabaab militants attacked two SNA bases near Mogadishu resulting in several hours of fighting. The SNA claim to have killed 76 Al-Shabaab militants and claim to have captured another 10. Al-Shabaab claim to have also killed 47 SNA troops in the attack.   On the same day, a suicide bomber detonated their suicide vest targeting civilians outside a teashop in Mogadishu. The attack left 6 people dead, including the perpetrator. 
On 10 April 2021, a suicide bomber tried to kill a regional governor in Baidoa. The governor escaped, however 3 others were killed in the attack, including 2 of his bodyguards. 
On 14 April 2021, 17 civilians were killed after an IED exploded when a minibus drove over it whilst travelling on the Mogadishu-Jowhar road. 
On 12 June 2021, 1 Somali policeman was killed and two others were wounded after ISIS operatives detonated an IED at a police checkpoint in the City of Afgooye, 20km northwest of Mogadishu. 
On 15 June 2021, at least 15 Somali Army recruits were killed after an Al-Shabaab suicide bomber blew himself up at a Somali Army training camp in Mogadishu. 
African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) Edit
The African Union has deployed more than 16,000 soldiers to Somalia, mandated to support transitional governmental structures, implement a national security plan, train the Somali security forces, and assist in creating a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid.  As part of its duties, AMISOM also supports the Transitional Federal Government's forces in their battle against Al-Shabaab militants.
AMISOM was created by the African Union's Peace and Security Council on 19 January 2007 with an initial six-month mandate.  On 21 February 2007 the United Nations Security Council approved the mission's mandate.  Subsequent six-monthly renewals of AMISOM's mandate by the African Union Peace and Security Council have also been authorised by the United Nations Security Council.  
AMISOM's UN mandate was extended for a further six months in August 2008 by UNSCR 1831.   The AMISOM's mandate has been extended each period that it has been up for review. It is now set to be reviewed again on 16 January 2013. 
On 12 November 2013, the UN Security Council adopted SC Resolution 2124 (2013) extending AMISOM's mandate from 28 February 2014 to 31 October 2014. Acting upon the force's request, the resolution also increases AMISOM's maximum authorized strength from 17,731 to 22,126 troops. 
The force, which has been reportedly engaged in fighting in Mogadishu and throughout the country, has reportedly suffered significant casualties during their mission, although no precise figures have been issued by the contributing countries. 
United States and UN Edit
The United National Development Program for Somalia spends about $50 million each year,  though these funds are not related to military aid. Instead these programs, such as Employment Generation for Early Recovery (EGER).  As of October 2010, the U.S. State Department noted the United States directly obligated over $229 million to support AMISOM, and paid for other UN assistance for the mission indirectly through its obligations to the international body. 
In January 2013, the U.S. announced that it was set to exchange diplomatic notes with the new central government of Somalia, re-establishing official ties with the country for the first time in 20 years. According to the Department of State, the decision was made in recognition of the significant progress that the Somali authorities had achieved on both the political and war fronts. The move is expected to grant the Somali government access to new sources of development funds from American agencies as well as international bodies like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, thereby facilitating the ongoing reconstruction process.   In addition to diplomatic ties roughly 50 U.S. special operations troops operate at undisclosed locations across southern Somalia advising and assisting, Kenyan, Somali and Ugandan forces in their fight against Al-Shabaab. 
At the behest of the Somali and American federal governments, among other international actors, the United Nations Security Council unanimously approved United Nations Security Council Resolution 2093 during its 6 March 2013 meeting to suspend the 21-year arms embargo on Somalia. The endorsement officially lifts the purchase ban on light weapons for a provisional period of one year, but retains certain restrictions on the procurement of heavy arms such as surface-to-air missiles, howitzers and cannons.  On 9 April 2013, the U.S. government likewise approved the provision of defense articles and services by the American authorities to the Somali Federal Government.  At the request of the Somali authorities and AMISOM, the U.S. military in late 2013 also established a small team of advisers in Mogadishu to provide consultative and planning support to the allied forces. 
The United Kingdom is also involved in combating Islamist terrorists in Somalia, since 2009, members of the Special Air Service and the Special Reconnaissance Regiment have been deployed to Camp Lemonnier to conduct counter-terrorist operations against Islamist terrorists in Somalia they have carrying out surveillance missions of Britons believed to be travelling to Somalia for terrorist training and they are also working with US counterparts observing and "targeting" local terror suspects. They have also been carrying out a similar role in Yemen.   In May 2016, it was reported that 70 UK military personnel have arrived in Somalia to counter Al-Shabaab as part of a UN peacekeeping mission 10 soldiers will offer medical, engineering and logistical support to AMISOM. Personnel will also be sent to South Sudan to carry out a similar role. 
On 16 October 2016, the New York Times reported that American officials said the White House had quietly broadened the president's authority for the use of force in Somalia by allowing airstrikes to protect American and African troops as they combat fighters from al-Shabaab. About 200 to 300 American Special Operations troops work with soldiers from Somalia and other African nations like Kenya and Uganda to carry out more than a half-dozen raids per month, according to senior American military officials. The operations are a combination of ground raids and drone strikes. SEAL Team 6 has been heavily involved in many of these operations. American military officials said once ground operations are complete, American troops working with Somali forces often interrogate prisoners at temporary screening facilities, including one in Puntland, before the detainees are transferred to more permanent Somali-run prisons. The Pentagon has only acknowledged a small fraction of these operations, announcing 13 ground raids and airstrikes so far in 2016 (3 of which took place in September) — up from 5 in 2015 according to data compiled by New America (a Washington Think tank) the strikes have killed about 25 civilians and 200 people suspected of being militants. At a former Russian fighter jet base in Baledogle, U.S. Marines and private contractors are working to build up a Somali military unit designed to combat Al-Shabaab throughout the country. 
On 30 March 2017, CNN reported that US President Donald Trump signed off a decision by the White House which approved a new strategy granting AFRICOM the authority to step up counterterrorism strikes in Somalia under the new strategy, the US military will now be able to conduct precision airstrikes in support of the Somalia National Army and AMISOM forces. The new authorization designates some regions of Somalia an "area of active hostilities," freeing counterterrorism strikes there from restrictions governing other strikes outside the areas an official said that the designated areas will not include Mogadishu and Puntland. Captain Jeff Davis, a Pentagon Spokesman said that "The additional support provided by this authority will help deny al-Shabaab safe havens from which it could attack US citizens or US interests in the region." Another official said that the legal basis for the new authority is the 2001 AUMF.  In mid-April 2017, it was reported that 40 soldiers from the 101st Airborne Division were deployed to Somalia on 2 April 2017 to improve the capabilities of the Somalia Army in combating Islamist militants. AFRICOM stated that the troops will focus on bolstering the Somali army's logistics capabilities an AFRICOM spokesman said that "This mission is not associated with teaching counterextremism tactics" and that the Somali government requested the training. 
On 16 June 2020, Human Rights Watch revealed the inconsistency in investigation by the US authorities in a 2 February airstrike, which killed one woman. And a 10 March attack that killed five men, including a child. 
President Donald Trump ordered the Department of Defense to remove the majority of the 700 U.S. military troops in Somalia from the country in December 2020. 
On 16 February, Somali MP Mohamud Sayid Adan, former Mogadishu mayor Mohamed Omar Habeeb and local police officer Hassan Dhicisow, were arrested by Ethiopian forces in the town of Dolow in Gedo region. 
On 28 May, 2 Ethiopian soldiers, 1 Ethiopian civilian, 2 Somali soldiers, 4 Somali civilians (working for the government) and 4 Somali insurgents were killed when insurgents attacked a convoy carrying Omar Hashi Aden, who was returning from his visit to Ethiopia. 
On 31 May, Ethiopian forces launched search and seizure operations in Hiraan, in Kalaberyr village, near Beledweyn. 
On 12 June, Ethiopian forces with several battle wagons entered in Balanbal town in Galgudud and set up military bases. 
On 14 June, the Ethiopian military said it had come to fight foreign mujahedin which the military described as "foreign enemies of Ethiopia and Somalia" and launched operations to search for them in Balanbal town which they control.  Sheik Hassan Ya'qub Ali, head of the information affairs for Islamic administration in Kisimayo warned the Ethiopians that "there is no candy and dates to eat from here in Somalia. But the men who chased you forcibly from the country are here in Somalia." 
The suicide bombing on 18 June targeted a meeting between TFG and Ethiopian commanders. 
On 19 June, Ethiopian forces entered Bakool and reached Elberde town. They withdrew after holding talks with local clan elders. 
22 June, Ethiopian forces started launching search and seizure operations in Kala-beyrka intersection in Hiran region. 
The Ethiopian government then announced it would not intervene without an international mandate. 
30 June, Ethiopian forces entered El-gal and Ilka'adde villages which are less than 20 km north of regional capital Beledweyn. Reports from Kala-beyrka intersection say that more extra troops from Ethiopia crossed from the border. 
4 July, Ethiopians withdrew from their bases in Banabal town in Galgudug. 
18 July, Ethiopian forces vacated their bases in Yed Village in insurgent-controlled Bakool region. 
During the weekend of 29–30 August, Ethiopian forces advanced to Beledweyne, supporting a government offensive on the insurgent part of, Beledweyne. They withdrew on 31 August. The assault on Beledweyne by government forces came as the TFG governor of Hiraan (belonging to Sharif Ahmed's ARS-Djibouti faction), Sheikh Abdirahman Ibrahim Ma'ow, which controls the other part of Beledweyne, withdrew his administration's support for the TFG. 
19 March, Mohammed wali Odowa, spokesman of Hizbul Islam's Hiraan administration in Beledweyne, threatened that Hizbul Islam forces would attack any Ethiopian forces which entered Hizbul Islam controlled territories in Hiraan. 
20 May, Ethiopian forces seized control of the previously al-Shabaab held towns of Yeed and Elbarde, in Bakool region.  Al-Shabaab had captured Elbarde from the TFG on 20 April. 
On 18 July, Ethiopian forces withdrew from all their bases in Hiraan and Bakool regions. Ethiopian forces had held these territories for two months, during which they clashed several times with al-Shabaab forces which control most of Hiraan. Before they withdrew they released over 20 lorries which used to travel between the South and Central regions of Somalia. 
On 1 August, 27,000 Ethiopian troops entered Somalia through the border town of Dolo, where 6,000 Ethiopian forces are based. They advanced deep into Gedo region in the direction of the towns of Beledehawa and Elwak, accompanied by militia of pro-Ethiopian, Somali fraction leaders.  In Hiraan, Ethiopian forces which entered along with TFG-forces exchanged fire with al-Shabaab militants and advanced until the Kalaber junction, near Beledweyne. The Ethiopian troops then withdrew to Ferfer. 
On 29 August, there was a second Ethiopian incursion. A large number of Ethiopian forces in military vehicles, accompanied by highly trained TFG forces, entered several villages in al-Shabaab controlled Hiraan region. This came at a time when al-Shabaab militants regularly ventured near the border. Hussein Abdallah, an ASWJ loyalist claimed that the movements were a preliminary action to signal that Ethiopian authorities are able of weakening the Islamist insurgents, to al-Shabaab's leadership. 
On 1 September, Ethiopian forces moved deeper into Gedo region, via Dolow, entering the TFG-held village of Yeed. TFG officials in the region reported they were planning to capture the entire Bay and Bakool regions from al-Shabaab. 
On 30 December, TFG forces clashed with Ethiopian troops in the Jawil district, near Beledweyne, after Ethiopian forces took a TFG soldier into custody. One TFG soldier and one civilian were injured in the clashes. 
3 January, Ahlu Sunna Waljamaa official Sheikh Abdi Badel Sheikh Abdullahi, complained about Ethiopian forces in the town of Dolo, in Gedo region. The town is controlled by 300 ASWJ and TFG forces, but it is also home to several Ethiopian military bases. Ethiopian forces had called on ASWJ fighters in the district to lay down their arms. According to a TFG official, three Ethiopian commanders had then come to the town of Dolo and ordered TFG forces to disarm. Ethiopian troops then disarmed a number of TFG and ASWJ forces. Sheikh Abdullahi alleged that Ethiopian forces were doing this because they were outraged by ASWJ's military capability.  
On 19 November, eyewitness reported large number of Ethiopian troops crossing into Somalia. Ethiopian authorities denied this. 
After a multinational conference held on 25 November in Addis Ababa, IGAD announced that the Ethiopian government had agreed to support the allied forces' campaign against Al-Shabaab. 
On 31 December 2011, the Transitional Federal Government soldiers and around 3,000 allied Ethiopian army troops attacked Beledweyne in the early morning, capturing it after hours of fighting.  They later took control of Baidoa, among other areas.
On 22 October 2012, the Spokesman of African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) Col. Ali Aden Humed speaking to journalists in Mogadishu on Saturday said that Ethiopian forces present in parts of the regions of Somalia will soon pull out from the country. The spokesman said AMISOM troops will take over the areas where Ethiopian forces are holding at the moment. "The plan by AMISOM is to take over the positions held by Ethiopian forces in parts of the regions of the country, Ethiopian troops will soon retreat back to their position along Somalia border" said Col. Ali Aden Humed. 
In 2013, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom announced that Ethiopian troops were pulling out of Baidoa as the situation on the ground was relatively stable and the Somali military and AMISOM forces were now able to assume security duties. The withdrawal was well planned and coordinated. Adhanom added that a pullout could have occurred twelve months earlier, but the allied forces were at the time unprepared to take over, so the move was postponed. Additionally, he asserted that Eritrea was attempting to destabilize Somalia and environs, and that the international community should take the situation seriously since Eritrea was also still allegedly supporting Al-Shabaab.  Following the Westgate shooting in Nairobi by Al Shabaab operatives, the Ethiopian government halted its plans to withdraw completely out of Somalia.  In November 2013, the Ethiopian government announced that it would integrate its troops that are deployed in Somalia into the AMISOM multinational force. Somalia's Foreign Minister Fowzia Haji Yussuf welcomed the decision, stating that the move would galvanize AMISOM's campaign against the insurgent group. She also emphasized the importance of collaboration between Somalia and Ethiopia.  The Ethiopian authorities' announcement came a month after a failed October bombing attempt by Al-Shabaab in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, and a week after Ethiopia received a renewed terrorism threat from the insurgent group.  According to Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Ambassador Dina Mufti, the Ethiopian military's decision to join AMISOM is intended to render the peacekeeping operation more secure.  Analysts also suggested that the move was primarily motivated by financial considerations, with the Ethiopian forces' operational costs now slated to be under AMISOM's allowance budget. It is believed that the Ethiopian military's long experience in Somali territory, its equipment such as helicopters, and the potential for closer coordination will help the allied forces advance their territorial gains.  On the other hand, there is a certain amount of unease following Ethiopia's entry into AMISOM given local animosity originating from Ethiopia's heavy handed intervention in 2006. There are also fears that Al Shabaab could use Somali animosity towards Ethiopia as a rallying cry and to recruit more members.  It is also believed that some Ethiopian troops in Somalia operate independently from AMISOM. 
In December 2014, the Ethiopian government offered to replace the last AMISOM contingent from Sierra Leone with fresh Ethiopian military reinforcements. 
In 2015, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), announced a new military operation against Al Shabaab, for removing it in the last strong holds in Somalia. The operation involved Ethiopian National Defence and Kenya Defence Forces too.
At the end of the month of July 2015, AMISOM and Somalia National Army regained many villages and major towns of Baardhere and Dinsoor. 
On 15 December 2018, there were demonstrations in the city of Baidoa in Somalia by supporters of Mukhtar Robow, a presidency candidate, who was arrested two days before by government forces and transferred to Mogadishu. Rowbow is a senior member of al-Shabab.  African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) announced in a statement that its forces did not assist in Rowbow's arrest and his transfer to Mogadishu. 
On 4 May 2020, an East African Express Airways Embraer EMB 120 Brasilia airliner on an air charter flight delivering COVID-19 pandemic relief supplies crashed on approach to Berdale, Somalia, killing all 2 crew and 4 non-revenue passengers on board. On 10 May, a leaked AMISOM report alleged that ground troops of the Ethiopian National Defense Force operating outside AMISOM authority had shot the aircraft down, mistakenly believing it was undertaking a suicide attack. This allegation ignited renewed controversy over unauthorized Ethiopian incursions into Somalia to fight Al-Shabaab. Ethiopian, Kenyan and Somali authorities have initiated a joint investigation of the accident. 
On 7 February 2021, a roadside bomb exploded in Dusmareb, Somalia, killing 12 agents working for the National Intelligence and Security Agency. The local head of the intelligence agency, Abdirashid Abdunur, was among those killed. 
On 14 February, Al Shabaab killed two SNA soldiers in Awdheegle district in southern Somalia’s Lower Shabelle region. 
On 2 March, al-Shabaab publicly executed five people by firing squad for allegedly spying for the United States and Somali intelligence agencies in Jilib, Middle Juba. Hundreds of people reportedly gathered to watch the killings. 
On 5 March, 20 people were killed and 30 were wounded after a suicide car bombing took place in Mogadishu. Al-Shabaab later claimed the attack.  
Recruitment from Kenya Edit
According to press reports, Somali and Kenyan government officials have recruited and trained Somali refugees in Kenya and Kenyan nationals who are ethnic Somalis to fight insurgents in Somalia. However, the Somali chief of military staff and spokesmen from the Kenyan government have denied this. 
2010 Kenya-Al-Shabaab border clash Edit
On 20 July 2010 border clashes between Kenya and Al-Shabaab insurgents occurred when gunmen from the militia attacked a Kenyan border patrol along the border area in Liboi, Lagdera. There was a subsequent fierce exchange of fire between the two sides leading to the deaths of 2 militia and the wounding of one Kenyan officer.  Hundreds of security personnel were later deployed to the border following the clash and because of continued fighting between two militia groups in the neighbouring town of Dobley, Somalia.  Al-Shabaab had previously claimed responsibility for a deadly suicide bombing in Uganda in July. 
Operation Linda Nchi Edit
In October 2011, the Kenya Defence Forces began Operation Linda Nchi against Al-Shabaab in southern Somalia.   The mission was officially led by the Somali armed forces, with the Kenyan armed forces providing supporting role.  In early June 2012, Kenyan forces were formally integrated into AMISOM. 
Camp Simba attack Edit
On 5 January 2020, Al-Shabaab militants launched an attack at on Camp Simba at Manda Air Strip used by Kenyan and U.S. troops in Lamu County, Kenya, the attack was repelled, leaving 3 American nationals killed 1 serviceman and two contractors. Four militants died in the attack and five were arrested.   Moreover, six aircraft and land vehicles were destroyed or damaged at the airstrip.   Some of the airframes lost included a De Havilland Canada Dash 8 and two helicopters.  
Government officials from the Galmudug administration in the north-central Hobyo district also reportedly attempted to use pirate gangs as a bulwark against Islamist insurgents from southern Somalia's conflict zones.  Other pirates are alleged to have reached agreements of their own with the Islamist groups, although a senior commander from the Hizbul Islam militia vowed to eradicate piracy by imposing sharia law when his group briefly took control of Harardhere in May 2010 and drove out the local pirates.  
18 Americans Killed in Somali Gun Battle - History
MOGADISHU, Somalia - Heavy clashes broke out early Friday between security guards of opposition leaders and government forces near Somalia's presidential palace in the capital Mogadishu, with several people feared dead.
Local sources told Anadolu Agency that the fighting took place at Daljirka Dahson Square, where Somalia's opposition presidential candidates planned to hold an anti-government rally later in the day.
"The government forces attacked the Maida Hotel, where I and the former president [Sharif Sheikh Ahmed] were staying,&rdquo former President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud said in a brief statement posted on Twitter after the firefight.
&ldquoIt is unfortunate that the outgoing president is shedding the blood of citizens who are preparing for a peaceful demonstration to express their views,&rdquo he added.
The Maida Hotel is located a short distance away from the presidential palace.
The number of casualties is not yet known. Anadolu Agency contacted the national police, but they did not respond.
The gunfight comes a day after the Somali government announced that it had banned all public gatherings including demonstrations, but opposition leaders defied the order and prepared to hold a massive rally in the morning.
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It was the first time a helicopter had been downed in Mogadishu, though not the first time one had been hit by hostile fire, according to contemporaneous news reports.
In a miniature version of the events that would play out roughly one week later, three more U.S. troops and three Pakistani soldiers were wounded as they worked to secure the crash site, news reports stated.
About a month prior to the shootdown, on Aug. 8, 1993, four U.S. soldiers were also killed when their vehicle struck a land mine remotely detonated by members of Aidid’s militia.
The warlord’s top lieutenant
Osman Ali Atto, a financier for Aidid, is depicted early in the film being spirited away by U.S. special operators who surgically disable the engine of his vehicle, which was traveling in a three-car convoy.
The reality, according to an interview Atto gave to the British Broadcasting Corporation, is that there was only one vehicle and he was in it.
“And when the helicopter attacked, people were hurt, people were killed,” Atto told the BBC from his Mogadishu residence in 2002. “The car we were travelling in, [and] I have got proof, it was hit at least 50 times. And my colleague Ahmed Ali was injured on both legs.”
Navy SEAL Howard Wasdin, who helped capture Atto, recalled in his book how the mission took place in an urban area, with militia appearing in the neighborhood to shoot up at the helicopters.
Atto, like other Somalis, said the film painted the country’s inhabitants in an unfair light.
How Somalis were depicted
Yusuf Hassan of the BBC’s Somali service said at the time of the movie’s release that many Somalis felt the film depicted them as fanatical caricatures rather than fully formed characters.
"They were not telling their story,” Hassan said in 2002. “At that time, I was covering the conflict as a journalist, and I know that the people who were fighting were not only supporters of Aidid. . Many of them were just people in the neighborhood who got caught up in this fire and were trying to defend their homes, as they thought they were under attack.”
The exact number of Somali deaths, both civilian and militant, is unknown. Estimates range widely from several hundred to a thousand.
Months before the October 1993 raid, another U.S. attack had dealt a propaganda blow to the mission and potentially turned local Somalis against the Americans, according to observers who were there.
/>The wreckage of a jeep burns in a Mogadishu street, Oct. 3, 1993, after it was destroyed by a remote controlled bomb, injuring three U.S. service members. (STR/AFP/GettyImages)
On July 12, 1993, dubbed “Bloody Monday," U.S. forces seeking to kill Aidid were tipped off that he would be present at a meeting with various clan leaders in Mogadishu. In reality, the event was also attended by moderate clan leaders, “who were apparently meeting to discuss mediation between [the U.N.] and [Aidid],” reads a 1995 Human Rights Watch report.
Late in the morning, Cobra attack helicopters arrived and launched 16 anti-tank missiles and 20mm cannon fire into the house, killing more than 50 people. Bowden called Bloody Monday “a monumental misjudgment, to say the least.”
Others, like journalist Scott Peterson, called the event a war crime. Human Rights Watch said the attack “breached the rule of proportionality in humanitarian law even if it was conducted in good faith.”
More than Rangers and Delta
Two soldiers, Pfc. James Martin and Sgt. Cornell Houston, who died during the raid were from the 10th Mountain Division. They were part of 2nd Battalion, 14th Infantry Regiment, which had been tapped to rescue pinned-down members of Task Force Ranger. Martin was killed while providing cover for medics and Houston died fighting from the rescue convoy.
Pararescueman Tech. Sgt. Tim Wilkinson earned the Air Force Cross after fast-roping to a downed UH-60 helicopter to extract five wounded Rangers. Master Sgt. Scott Fales, who joined him, earned the Silver Star after he sustained a leg wound but continued to help treat those who Wilkinson brought to him.
Combat controller Tech. Sgt. Jeffrey Bray, who also received the Silver Star, was credited with using infrared strobe lights during the night to string together an “ingenious perimeter marking system" to call in “surgical fire support,” his citation reads. “On several occasions he expertly [called in] air support less than 15 meters from his position" near Mogadishu’s Olympic Hotel.
/>Army Master Sgt. Gary Gordon and Army Sgt. 1st Class Randall Shughart were both awarded posthumous Medals of Honor, after they volunteered to be inserted to protect four critically wounded helicopter crewmembers, despite being well aware of the growing number of enemy militia closing in on the site. (Army)
Five Navy SEALs were also present during the raid, each earning a Silver Star. Several of the SEALs were part of the initial assault force, according to award citations at the time, and helped fight in and out of the crash sites.
Wasdin, the SEAL who helped capture Atto, was wounded three times during the battle.
Other U.N. members were also present and helped Americans out of the melee following the botched raid. Malaysian coalition partners suffered two dead and seven wounded, and the Pakistanis suffered two wounded, as well, according to a U.S. Army history of the battle.
The disaster triggered a SECDEF resignation
Not depicted on film is the political fallout that occurred after the battle.
In the wake of congressional scrutiny, then-Secretary of Defense Les Aspin was forced to resign. He accepted blame for his role in denying requests by commanders in Somalia to send tanks and armored vehicles prior to the failed raid.
A Senate report also later faulted then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Gen. Colin Powell and his staff for rejecting a request to send AC-130 gunships.
The images of Americans killed and aircraft downed prompted President Bill Clinton to withdraw combat troops from Somalia. The disaster may have also influenced Clinton’s decision not to intervene in the Rwandan genocide in 1994.
Leave no Man Behind
When I go home people'll ask me, "Hey Hoot, why do you do it man? What, you some kinda war junkie?"
You know what I'll say? I won't say a goddamn word. Why? They won't understand. They won't understand why we do it. They won't understand that it's about the men next to you, and that's it. That's all it is.
Sergeant First Class Norm "Hoot" Gibson, Delta, Black Hawk Down movie
menjelang sore, operasi dengan kode Irene yang diharap berjalan lancar telah menjadi bencana, pasukan AS terpencar dan dikepung dari berbagai arah oleh milisi jendral Aidid dan sangat mungkin gabungan milisi milisi lain sebagai penggembira yang ingin merasakan bagaimana rasanya menembak orang dengan AK-47.
kabar dengan cepat menjalar ke seluruh pelosok Mogadishu dan daerah tribal di sekelilingnya, semakin malam semakin banyak orang bersenjata yang berdatangan juga penduduk sipil yang ingin melihat keramaian.
bila tak ada bantuan tembakan udara dari AH-6 (versi penyerang dari MH-6)
dan beberapa sukarelawan pasukan khusus yang kembali ke lokasi pertempuran untuk rekan rekan mereka, korban yang tewas jumlahnya pasri melebihi 18 orang.
setelah semalam bertahan habis habisan, pada 4 Oktober jam 6.30 pagi, akhirnya pasukan gabungan US Army (10th mountain) dan PBB yang dilengkapi armor vehicle berhasil membobol kepungan dan menjemput semua tentara yang terkepung walau karena tempat yang terbatas, kabarnya sebagian dari pasukan khusus terpaksa harus berlari di samping konvoi ke stadion Mogadishu.
Where are they now
Editor's Note: This was published on Dec. 14, 1997 and has not been updated.
Staff Sgt. Matt Eversmann, who led Chalk Four, is now a sergeant first class with the Ranger regiment at Fort Benning, Ga. He received the Bronze Star with Valor Device.
Pfc. Todd Blackburn recovered from the injuries he received falling from a helicopter at the beginning of the fight, and now lives in Pensacola, Fla.
Chief Warrant Officer Mike Durant now flies an AH-6 Little Bird for the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment at Fort Campbell, Ky., where he also supervises use of the unit's sophisticated flight training simulators. He and his wife, Lorrie, now have two children. He received the Bronze Star with Valor Device and a Distinguished Flying Cross.
Maj. Gen. William F. Garrison accepted full responsibility for what happened during the battle. He spent two years heading the J.F. Kennedy Special Warfare Center before retiring from the Army on Aug. 1, 1996, the same day that Mohamed Farrah Aidid died in Mogadishu. He lives on a ranch in Texas.
First Lt. Larry Perino, who received the Bronze Star with Valor Device for leading Rangers to the first crash site, is now a captain with the Ranger regiment at Fort Benning.
Staff Sgt. Jeff Struecker, who received the Bronze Star with Valor Device for leading several vehicle convoys into the fight, is still with the Ranger regiment at Fort Benning, and in 1996 was named "Ranger of the Year."
John Gay is still a Navy SEAL. He received the Bronze Star with Valor Device. His hopes for a deal to endorse the Randall knife that deflected a bullet and saved him from serious injury have never been realized.
Sgt. Scott Galentine, who had his thumb shot off early in the battle, had the digit reattached in surgery and has regained some use of it. He left the Army and is attending college in Georgia.
Abdiaziz Ali Aden still lives with his brothers and sisters and parents in the house in Mogadishu clipped by Cliff Wolcott's helicopter as it crashed.
Sgt. Mike Goodale, who joked through the long night about having been shot "in the ass," fully recovered from his injury. He received the Bronze Star with Valor Device. He now lives with his wife in Naperville, Ill., and is in college studying to be a high school history teacher. He serves with the National Guard.
Lt. James Lechner, who was badly injured in the leg moving to the first crash site, is now a captain based in Hawaii.
Spec. Shawn Nelson left the Ranger regiment and was working as a trail guide in the Grand Tetons in Wyoming until recently reenlisting, this time in the Navy, where he hopes to complete training to become a SEAL.
Staff Sgt. Ed Yurek, who led the remnants of Chalk Two through gunfire to the first crash site, is still with the Ranger regiment at Fort Benning.
Capt. Mike Steele, who received the Bronze Star with Valor Device for his actions as commander of the Rangers during the fight, is now a major with the 82d Airborne Division.
CWO Keith Jones, the Little Bird pilot who, along with copilot CWO Karl Maier received the Silver Star, for their daring landing and rescue efforts at the first and second crash sites. Both men are still pilots with the 160th.
Yousuf Dahir Mo'Alim , the Somalian militiaman who saved Mike Durant's life, was shot in the stomach by a minigun in continued fighting that day. After a year in the hospital, he recovered, and today works as a mechanic in Mogadishu.
Black Hawk Down: The Somali battle that changed US policy in Africa
The sight of dead US soldiers being dragged through the streets of Mogadishu was a turning point in one of the United States' most high-profile interventions in Africa.
The images, broadcast around the world, outraged many.
In October 1993, elite American troops launched a disastrous raid in the Somali capital Mogadishu.
Their aim was to capture key allies of the powerful Somali warlord, Gen Mohamed Farah Aideed. But US forces met fierce resistance from Aideed's militia.
Two US Black Hawk helicopters were shot down.
In the ensuing battle, hundreds of Somalis were estimated to have died. Some 18 Americans and two UN soldiers were killed.
At the time, the United States was leading a UN mission to end the civil war and famine in Somalia.
Within six months, the US had withdrawn its forces from Somalia. The perceived failure of the Somali mission made the US wary of intervening in African crises.
Abdulaziz Ali Ibrahim was working with the UN in Somalia at the time and lived in a house 700 yards away from the site of the first helicopter crash.
Witness: The stories of our times told by the people who were there.