Ethel MacDonald

Ethel MacDonald


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Ethel MacDonald, one of nine children, was born in Bellshill on 24th February 1909. She left home at sixteen and did a variety of jobs over the next couple of years.

MacDonald joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and according to to Daniel Gray, the author of Homage to Caledonia (2008), she was "a working class woman of some erudition, she became local ILP secretary in her teens, and became fluent in French and German".

In 1931 Ethel MacDonald met Guy Aldred in Glasgow. Impressed by her revolutionary zeal he appointed her secretary of the Anti-Parliamentary Communist Federation (APCF), an organization formed by Aldred in 1921. The APCF was breakaway group from the Communist Party of Great Britain.

In June 1934 Ethel MacDonald and Aldred and were both involved in the formation of the United Socialist Movement (USM), an anarcho-communist political organisation based in Scotland. Several members of the Independent Labour Party who had lost their belief in the parliamentary road to socialism joined the party. MacDonald, like other members of the USM, had been deeply influenced by the ideas of William Morris.

On the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War she travelled with Jenny Patrick, Aldred's wife, to Barcelona as a representative of the USM. Soon afterwards she was employed by the CNT-FAI's foreign language information centre. Later she gave nightly English-language political broadcasts on Radio Barcelona.

On 14th November, 1936 Buenaventura Durruti arrived in Madrid from Aragón with his Anarchist Brigade. Six days later Durruti was killed while fighting on the outskirts of the city. Durruti's supporters in the CNT claimed that he had been murdered by members of the Communist Party (PCE).

Over the next few months the National Confederation of Trabajo (CNT), the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) and the Worker's Party (POUM) played an important role in running Barcelona. This brought them into conflict with other left-wing groups in the city including the Union General de Trabajadores (UGT), the Catalan Socialist Party (PSUC) and the Communist Party (PCE). MacDonald became involved in this conflict and in January 1937 she began to transmit regular English-language reports on the war on the radio station run by the CNT.

MacDonald soon had a strong following for her radio broadcasts. The Glasgow Herald reported: "A prominent news editor in Hollywood says that he has received hundred of letters concerning Ethel MacDonald, stating that the writers, in all parts of the USA and Canada, enjoyed her announcements and talks from Barcelona radio, not because they agreed with what she said, but because they thought she had the finest radio speaking voice they had ever heard."

In one broadcast she argued: "There is no doubt that they magnificent struggle of the Spanish workers challenges the entire theory and historical interpretation of parliamentary socialism. The civil war is a living proof of the futility and worthlessness of parliamentary democracy as a medium for social change."

On the 3rd May 1937, Rodriguez Salas, the Chief of Police, ordered the Civil Guard and the Assault Guard to take over the Telephone Exchange, which had been operated by the CNT since the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Members of the CNT in the Telephone Exchange were armed and refused to give up the building. Members of the CNT, FAI and POUM became convinced that this was the start of an attack on them by the UGT, PSUC and the PCE and that night barricades were built all over the city.

Fighting broke out on the 4th May. Later that day the anarchist ministers, Federica Montseny and Juan Garcia Oliver, arrived in Barcelona and attempted to negotiate a cease-fire. When this proved to be unsuccessful, Juan Negrin, Vicente Uribe and Jesus Hernández called on Francisco Largo Caballero to use government troops to takeover the city. Largo Caballero also came under pressure from Luis Companys, the leader of the PSUC, not to take this action, fearing that this would breach Catalan autonomy.

On 6th May death squads assassinated a number of prominent anarchists in their homes. The following day over 6,000 Assault Guards arrived from Valencia and gradually took control of Barcelona. It is estimated that about 400 people were killed during what became known as the May Riots. During this crackdown MacDonald assisted the escape of anarchists wanted by the Communist secret police. As a result she became known as the "Scots Scarlet Pimpernel".

On 12th June, 1937, Bob Smillie, a member of the Independent Labour Party, who had been fighting with the POUM forces, died while being held by the Valencia police. He officially died from peritonitis. However, rumours began to circulate that he had died following a beating in his prison cell. MacDonald now began writing newspaper articles and making radio broadcasts claiming that Smillie had been executed by the secret police.

Eventually she herself was arrested by the authorities. She later told the Glasgow Evening Times: "My arrest was typical of the attitude of the Communist Party... Assault Guards and officials of the Public Order entered the house in which I lived late one night. Without any explanation they commenced to go through thoroughly every room and every cupboard in the house. After having discovered that which to them was sufficient to hang me - revolutionary literature etc."

Fenner Brockway of the Independent Labour Party worked behind the scenes to obtain MacDonald's release. He argued "she is an anarchist and has no connection with our party". On 8th July 1937, Ethel MacDonald was released in prison. However, within a few days she was rearrested again and spent another 12 days in captivity. When she was freed she went into hiding in Barcelona. She wrote to Guy Aldred and told him: "I am still here and unable to leave the country legally. I am in hiding... I cannot get a visa. If I apply I shall be arrested."

Ethel MacDonald's mother received a letter from Helen Lennox saying that her daughter's was in danger because of what she knew about the Bob Smillie case: "The Secret Service operating today in Spain comes by night and its victims are never seen again. Bob Smillie they didn't dare to bump off openly, but he may have suffered more because of that. Your Ethel certainly believes his death was intended. She prophesied it before his death took place, and said he would not be allowed out of the country with the knowledge he had. What worries me more than anything is that Ethel has already been ill and would be easy prey for anyone trying to make her death appear natural."

In September 1937 MacDonald managed to escape from Spain. After leaving the country she made speeches on the way the Communist Party (PCE) had been acting in during the Spanish Civil War in Paris and Amsterdam. She returned to Glasgow in November, 1937 and in a speech to 300 people at Central Station she said: "I went to Spain full of hopes and dreams. It promised to be utopia realised. I return full of sadness, dulled by the tragedy I have seen. I have lived through scenes and events that belong to the French revolution."

MacDonald also argued that Bob Smillie had been killed by the officials of the Communist Party (PCE). According to Daniel Gray, the author of Homage to Caledonia (2008): "she did her utmost to convince the public that Bob Smillie had been murdered, alleging that the secret police had assassinated him in cold blood."

David Murray, the Independent Labour Party representative in Spain, denied this and he wrote to John McNair saying: "Ethel MacDonald has been quite a trouble and my tactics are to choke her off. Murray's story was accepted until George Orwell arrived back in London. In his book, Homage to Catalonia (1938), Orwell argued that Smillie had died "an evil and meaningless death".

Alex Smillie, Bob's father, became convinced that his son had been murdered. David Murray wrote to him arguing: "I am convinced, and this I can affirm on oath, that Bob died a natural death. All my observations and impressions lead me to this conclusion. Judgement is a human thing and liable to error, but in spite of every curious and mysterious circumstance, I am convinced that Bob was never ill-treated nor was he done to death."

Georges Kopp, Smillie's commander in Spain, also argued that Smillie had been murdered: "The doctor states that Bob Smillie had the skin and the flesh of his skin perforated by a powerful kick delivered by a foot shod in the nailed boot; the intestines were partly hanging outside. Another blow had severed the left side connection between the jaw and the skull and the former was merely hanging on the right side. Bob died about 30 minutes after reaching the hospital."

After her return from Spain, Ethel MacDonald joined forces with Guy Aldred, Jenny Patrick, John Taylor Caldwell to establish The Strickland Press, which published regular issues of the USM organ, The Word. MacDonald considered as the unofficial manager, bookkeeper and printer of the Strickland Press.

Ethel MacDonald was diagnosed with multiple sclerosis in February 1958 and lost her ability to speak. Within three years she died in Glasgow's Knightswood Hospital at the age of 51, on 1st December 1960.

Tuesday, 3rd November was the most exciting day in both of our lives and I don't think we'll ever forget it. We handed in our papers and after they realised we were comrades, they were terribly nice to us. They asked us if we had money and we told them the truth that we were broke. They took us to a restaurant and we had a wonderful time. Everyone was bright and cheerful and happy. So naturally we were the same. We felt full of enthusiasm. This was revolution.

In the main square, the Plaza de la Republica, the white walls of the Generalitat, the government offices, glistened in brilliant sunshine. Birds were singing in the trees and the sky was the most beautiful blue that I have ever seen. Civilian soldiers dressed in their inevitable dungarees and little red and black Glengarry bonnets and smoking endless cigarettes, strolled casually in Las Ramblas and the Via Durruti or chatted to the girl soldiers in the Plaza Catalunya. We had difficulty deciding which were young men and which were girls. They were dressed exactly alike, but as we drew nearer we saw that all the girls had beautifully permed hair and were strikingly made up.

The 20th of February, 1937, is the date fixed by the Sub-Committee of Non-intervention, sitting in London, for the commencement of the ban on volunteers for Spain. Volunteers to Spain! From where have these volunteers come? Italy has sent, not volunteers, but conscripts. Germany landed in Spanish territory, not volunteers, but conscripts. The army of rebel Franco consists, not of volunteers, but of conscript Moors, conscript Germans, conscript Italians, all bent on making Spain a Fascist colony and Africa a Fascist hell, with the defeat and the retreat of democracy everywhere.

The situation today proves the truth of the words of St. Simon and of Proudhon that parliamentarianism is the road to militarism, that parliamentary democracy is impossible, and that mankind must accept industrial democracy, revolutionary syndicalism. But syndicalism and industrial democracy do not imply trades unionism which is the British idea of organisation and action. If mankind is not prepared to accept this, then the only other alternative is a retreat to barbarism and militarism. An insistence on parliamentary so-called democracy is merely playing with freedom and in effect, retreating to militarism. The progressive conquest of political power under capitalism is a snare and a delusion. The present situation in Germany illustrates this truth very clearly.

If parliamentary socialism had any worth whatever, this could never have taken place. Germany could have given the world the example that would have set alight the fires of world revolution. But Germany failed because of this paralysing belief in parliamentarianism and this disbelief in the power and initiative of the working class. It has been left to Spain, with its Anarcho-syndicalism, to do what Germany should have done. And this paralysis extends to other countries that still believe in the power of parliament as an emancipating weapon of the proletariat. It should act as such but that is beyond its power. Belief in parliament does not lead to freedom, but leads to the emancipation of a few selected persons at the expense of the whole of the working class.

What are the actions of the parliamentary parties with regard to support of the Spanish struggle? They talk, they discuss, they speak with bated breath of the horrors that are taking place in Spain. They gesticulate, they proclaim to the world their determination to assist Spain and to see that Fascism is halted; and that is all they do. Talk of what they will do. This would not matter if it were not for the fact that the workers, through a disbelief in their own power to do something definite, collaborate with them in this playing with words.

Comrades, fellow-workers, of what use are your meetings that pass pious resolutions, that exhibit Soldiers of the International Column, provide entertainment, make collections and achieve nothing? This is not the time for sympathy and charity. This is the time for action. Do you not understand that every week, every day and every hour counts. Each hour that passes means the death of more Spanish men and women, and yet you advertise meetings, talk, arrange to talk and fail to take any action. Your leaders ask questions in parliament, in the senate, collect in small committees and make arrangements to send clothes and food to the poor people of Spain who are menaced by this horrible monster of Fascism, and in the end, do nothing.

We welcome every man that comes to Spain to offer his life in the cause of freedom. But of what use are these volunteers if we have no arms to give them? We want arms, ammunition, aeroplanes, all kinds of war material. Your brothers who come to us to fight and have no arms to fight with are also being made a jest of by your inaction. We want the freedom of the Mediterranean. We want our rights, the rights that are being taken from us by the combined efforts of international capitalism. You have permitted Franco to have soldiers and arms and aeroplanes and ammunition. Your government, in the name of democracy, have starved the government and workers of Spain, and now they have decided to ban arms, ban volunteers, to the government of the Spanish workers. Your government, workers of the world, are assisting in the development of Fascism. They are conniving at the defeat of the workers' cause, and you tamely accept this or merely idly protest against it. Workers, your socialism and your communism are worthless. Your democracy is a sham, and that sham is fertilising the fields of Spain with the blood of the Spanish people. Your sham democracy is making the men, women and children of Spain the sod of Fascism. The workers of Spain bid you cry, "Halt!" The workers of Spain bid you act!

I, myself, was in Scotland when sanctions were proposed on behalf of Ethiopia. The Labour Party there threatened war. The Trades Unions threatened war. The Communist Party threatened war. The threats wore off, and Italy seized the land of Ethiopia, and despite the continued protests from various persons, Italy has commenced the exploitation of Abyssinia. Ethiopia is now the colony of Italy.

But Abyssinia is not Spain. Despite its history, Abyssinia is a wild and undeveloped country and may, indeed, in some parts, be semi-savage. But Spain is a land of culture and more important, a land of proletarian development, and it is menaced by the hireling Franco because it possesses proletarian culture. And Franco is assisted by Hitler and Mussolini and all the hordes of international capitalism because of the wealth contained within its territory, and to gain possession of that wealth for purposes of further exploiting the working class and for their own personal aggrandisement, they are prepared to massacre the whole of the Spanish working class. For what are the lives of the workers to them? Labour is cheap, and is easily replaceable.

And you, parliamentarians, you so-called socialists, talk and talk, and know not how to act. Nor when to act. For Spain, you are not even prepared to threaten war. Non-intervention, as a slogan, is an improvement on sanctions. It is even more radically hypocritical. It is more thorough and deliberate lying, for Non-intervention means the connived advance of Fascism. This cannot be disputed. Under the cloak of Non-intervention, Hitler and Mussolini are being assisted in their wanton destruction of Spain. Non-intervention gives them the excuse to do nothing, and behind the scenes to supply these European maniacs with all that they require. Your governments are not for non-intervention. They stand quite definitely for intervention, intervention on behalf of their friends and allies, Hitler and Mussolini. Your governments and your leaders have many points in common with these two scoundrels. All of them lack decency, human understanding, and intelligence. They are virtually the scum of the earth, the dregs that must be destroyed.

Comrades, workers, Malaga has fallen. Malaga was betrayed and you too were betrayed, for you have witnessed not merely the fall of Malaga but the fall of a key defence of world democracy, of workers' struggle, of world liberty, of world emancipation. Malaga fell; you, the world proletariat, were invaded: and you talk. Talk and lament and sigh and fear to act! Tomorrow, Madrid may be bombed once more. Barcelona may be attacked. Valencia may be attacked, and still you talk! When will this talking cease? Will you never act?

To go back to Germany. At the Second Congress of the Third International, Moscow, a comrade who is with us now in Spain, answering Zinoviev, urged faith in the syndicalist movement in Germany and the end of parliamentary communism. He was ridiculed. Parliamentarianism, communist parliamentarianism, but still parliamentarianism would save Germany. And it did. You know this. You know the conditions in that famous land today. Yes, parliamentarianism saved Germany. Saved it from Socialism. Saved it for Fascism. Parliamentary social democracy and parliamentary communism have destroyed the socialist hope of Europe, has made a carnage of human liberty. In Britain, parliamentarianism saved the workers from Socialism, gave them a Socialist leader of a National Government, and has prepared the workers for the holocaust of a new war. All this has parliamentarianism done. Have you not had enough of this huge deception? Are you still prepared to continue in the same old way, along the same old lines, talking and talking and doing nothing?

Spain, syndicalist Spain, the Spanish workers' republic would save you. Yes, save you with the hunger and blood and struggle of its magnificent people. And you pause and hesitate to gave your solidarity, and pause in your manhood and democracy of action until it is too late.

The crisis is here. The hour of struggle is here. Now is the decisive moment. By all your traditions of liberty and struggle, by all the brave martyrs of old, in the name of the heroic Spanish men and women, I bid you act. Act on behalf of Spain through living, immediate Committees of Action in Britain, in America, throughout the whole world. Let your cry be not non-intervention, but "Hands off Spain", and from that slogan let your action come. In your trade union branches, in your political party hall, make that your cry: "All Hands off Spain". What will your action be? The General Strike. Your message? "Starve Fascism, end the war on Spanish Labour, or - the Strike, the strike and on to Revolution".

The British Government says: "You shall not serve in Spain." Good! Then to the British Workers we say make this your reply. "We will serve Spain and the workers in Spain and ourselves in Britain. We strike." Down tools! There is one flag of labour today. Spain's Red and Black Flag of Freedom, of Syndicalism and Courage!

The trouble broke out on Monday afternoon. The civil guards seized the telephone building by force. As the move was quite unexpected, they succeeded in disarming the militiamen in charge there, and so gaining control. All during the night there was firing in the street, and we had a good view from the hotel windows. As the day (Tuesday) wore on the firing became terrific: the police were firing from their building further up the street, and from nearby houses, and the CNT were replying from their HQ, from the balconies and from the roof. The noise is terrible, and already there have been many killed and wounded.

My arrest was typical of the attitude of the Communist Party. In Scotland the group to which I am attached has always been in complete opposition to the Communist Party. In opposing their propaganda we have always had to face and deal with their fundamental ignorance and brutality. In Spain, their approach is the same. After having discovered that which to them was sufficient to hang me - revolutionary literature etc. - they demanded to see my passport. On this being shown they informed me that I was in Spain illegally, although I entered Spain quite legally.

The spirit of the comrades in prison is good. Persecution and imprisonment of revolutionists is not something new to Spain. Even persecution by so-called Communists is not new. The treatment meted out to the revolutionists in Russia today beggars description. That can be expected from the present regime in the Socialist fatherland. But that in Spain, whilst their comrades and brothers are struggling at the fronts against the fascist enemy, revolutionists should be arrested on such a scale is a scandal that brings discredit on all those who permit such to take place without making protest. Revolution should mean the end of prisons, not the changing of the guard.

The Secret Service operating today in Spain comes by night and its victims are never seen again. What worries me more than anything is that Ethel has already been ill and would be easy prey for anyone trying to make her death appear natural.


Scotsman article on Ethel MacDonald

She became the voice of the Spanish Civil War, the young woman from Bellshill who broadcast worldwide from the heart of the battle in Barcelona. Ethel MacDonald, who was born 110 years ago, became known as Scotland’s Scarlet Pimpernel following her time in Spain, where she organised escape plans, smuggling rackets and hunger strikes in every jail in the country from her own prison cell.

Ethel was 27 when she left Scotland for Barcelona. She had long been intertwined with the anarchist movement, having met Guy Aldred, charismatic founder of the Anti-Parliamentary Communist Federation and United Socialist Movement (USM), at just 16.

By then she was active in the Independent Labour Party in Motherwell and first sought advice from Aldred after a waitressing job in Dumfries fell through. It was the start of a lifelong association, with MacDonald arriving in Barcelona with Aldred’s partner, Jenny Patrick. They were the first of two members of USM’s planned anti-parliamentary delegation to Spain but fundraising for the expedition failed. In November 1936 the women found themselves alone, penniless but fuelled by ideological fire as the conflict raged through the streets and barrios.

A diary entry encapsulates her mood at the time: “If this journey does not make me do something worthwhile, nothing will. I feel that my future centres round here. I am optimistic, I am alive and I am prepared to risk everything in order to be alive.”

According to Daniel Gray in Homage to Caledonia, Scotland and the Spanish Civil War, the pair were possibly the first to report on the street fighting rocking the city, with their account appearing in the Barcelona Bulletin, which was co-published by Aldred and distributed around Glasgow.

But without a clear role in Barcelona, and an increasingly precarious living situation, MacDonald turned to Barcelona Radio, run by anarchist labour union CNT-FAI, to produce English-language broadcasts.

Her North Lanarkshire accent won her fans far and wide, with Gray quoting a story from the then-Glasgow Herald which documented her impact on the airwaves: “A prominent news editor in Hollywood says that he has received hundreds of letters concerning Ethel MacDonald, stating that the writers, in all parts of the USA and Canada, enjoyed her announcements and talks from Barcelona Radio, not because they agreed with what she said but because they thought she had the finest speaking voice they had every heard.”

It was, however, the content of her broadcasts that put her at grave risk after she repeatedly denounced the democratic course being pursued by the Republican government, with its critics – including those on the left – serially rounded up.

MacDonald, who helped to arm militia men and women fighting in the streets, went into hiding but was arrested, first for assisting “counter revolutionary aliens”.

She was imprisoned several times in Spain, with her family in Bellshill becoming increasingly fraught as communication faded out. This was around the time volunteer fighter Bob Smillie, from Larkhall, died in a prison in Valencia after being arrested by Republicans. News of Ethel was that she was seriously ill and in hiding.

A report in the Motherwell Times on 6 August 1937 told of a visit to MacDonald’s parents from volunteer soldier fighter Robert Martin, from Stevenston, who told of Ethel’s release from prison and relative good health. In truth, she was sleeping rough, but she finally arrived back at Central Station on 7 November 1937. There, she addressed a crowd of 300 people and spoke of hopes dulled by sadness and tragedy. By March 1938, the Motherwell Times reported that she had returned to Spain to carry out relief work.


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The Founder (2017)

Yes. Born on October 5, 1902, Ray Kroc (pictured below, left) lied about his age to serve in World War I as a Red Cross ambulance driver. He started training in 1917 when he was only 15 and was sent to France in 1918. Though not shown in the movie, the real Ray Kroc met fellow Illinois native Walt Disney (pictured right) while training for the Red Cross. Disney had also lied about his age. The two men served in Ambulance Company A together but did not stay in touch much after the war, that is until Kroc contacted Disney more than three decades later, in late 1954, about putting a McDonald's on Disney theme park property (it didn't happen, not until the late 1990s). -McDonalds.com

Did McDonald's really start out as a drive-in barbecue restaurant?

Did Ray Kroc first become involved with McDonald's when he was a milkshake machine salesman?

Yes. In fact-checking The Founder movie, we learned that after serving in World War I as a Red Cross ambulance driver, Ray Kroc mainly worked in sales, and for 17 of those years, he worked as a paper cup salesman for Lily Tulip Cup Company. (Some of his other jobs to help make ends meet included pianist and DJ on a local Oak Park, Illinois radio station.) He transitioned from a successful career selling paper cups into working as a traveling milkshake machine salesman (Ray Kroc Documentary). The McDonald brothers, who owned a small restaurant chain based out of San Bernardino, California, became clients of Kroc's in 1954 after they had purchased eight Multimixers, which sold at $150 a piece (a hefty price back then). The five-spindled milkshake machine promised to make five shakes at a time. "This little fellow came in with a high voice," recalled Richard McDonald in a 1991 interview. "He says, 'My name is Ray Kroc.' My brother and I were impressed with him. He was a very aggressive guy. That's the type it takes to sell anything." -Sun Journal

What attracted Ray Kroc to McDonald's?

Upon his first visit in 1954, Kroc was blown away by the low prices and effectiveness of the restaurant's operation, which had been put in place by its owners, brothers Richard and Maurice McDonald. In particular, Kroc was amazed by how quickly the restaurant could fulfill a customer's order. This was partially due to the fact that they focused on just a few items (burgers, fries and drinks) and had a chain of employees working together to prepare each order. The restaurant was drawing attention, especially after making the cover of American Restaurant Magazine in 1952. Initially, Kroc envisioned how much money he could make if there were hundreds of McDonald's across the country, each equipped with eight of the milkshake machines (Multimixers) that he sold. -McDonalds.com

"In those days, nobody had eight Multimixers in one business," recalled Kroc. "So, I went out there, and I was amazed. They were serving hamburgers for fifteen cents, french fries for ten cents and milkshakes for twenty cents, and basically that was the menu. And I said, 'That's for me.'" In real life, Kroc didn't make a cross-country drive to California. He flew out to Los Angeles and then drove to see the restaurant the following morning. -BBC McDonald's Documentary

What role did Ray Kroc first play in the McDonald's company?

Did Ray Kroc bring the idea of franchising to McDonald's?

No. The Founder true story reveals that Richard and Mac McDonald had already sold more than 20 franchises and opened eight restaurants themselves by the time they met Ray Kroc. In 1954, Kroc got wind that the brothers were looking for help expanding, so he offered to buy the U.S. franchise rights. -Sun Journal

Did taking over McDonald's really contribute to Ray Kroc's first marriage deteriorating?

Yes. However, in fact-checking The Founder, we confirmed that Kroc's relationship with his family had been deteriorating before he became involved with McDonald's (as shown in the movie). Though he had earned nice commissions as a paper cup salesman, his relationship with his wife Ethel (Laura Dern in the movie) and daughter Marilyn was strained as a result. He put everything he had into work, leaving little time for his family. Ethel had opposed his decision to start selling milkshake machines, believing he was giving up a good job and was too old (35) to start a new career. His obsession with work only intensified after he met the McDonald brothers. He and his wife Ethel divorced in 1961, the same year he spent $2.7 million to buy out the brothers' stake in the company. -Grinding It Out: The Making of McDonald's

How old was Ray Kroc when he became a success with McDonald's?

Did brothers Dick and Mac McDonald really have no interest in expanding across the country?

Dick and Mac McDonald didn't have any interest in doing it themselves. Ray Kroc suggested that he try to do it for them and they were open to the idea, having just lost their previous franchising agent due to health issues.

Did the McDonald brothers not tell Ray they had sold the rights to use their name in his hometown of Cook County, Illinois to another company?

Yes. Though it's not focused on in the movie, before Ray Kroc could open his first McDonald's in Des Plaines, Illinois, he had to buy out the Frejlack Ice Cream Company's contract for $25,000. It was an added expense that he could barely afford. The cost was even harder to swallow since Frejlack had only paid $5,000 for the contract. -Grinding It Out: The Making of McDonald's

What contributions did Ray Kroc bring to the McDonald's franchise?

As he successfully unleashed the true franchising potential of the chain, Ray Kroc introduced standardization, automation and discipline. Franchise owners were carefully selected for their work ethic and ambition. They attended "Hamburger University" in Elk Grove, Illinois where they were put through a training course, earning certificates in "hamburgerology with a minor in french fries." However, like in The Founder movie, the true story confirms that the golden arches and the sign that states how many hamburgers have been sold were both Richard McDonald's ideas, not Kroc's. -McDonalds.com

Was Ray Kroc really doing all the franchising work while the McDonald brothers sat back and collected the profits?

Yes. Ray was so eager to see the restaurant expand, he had made a hasty deal with the brothers. As Ray sold the franchises, the brothers made a lot of money for doing nothing. Like in The Founder movie, Ray met Harry Sonneborn (played by B.J. Novak), a financial expert who showed him another way of making money off the deal that would not involve selling hamburgers (BBC McDonald's Documentary). It involved creating a real estate company that would buy up (or lease) the land on which all McDonald's would be located. Then, franchisees would pay Kroc a monthly rental fee for the land or a percentage of their sales, whichever was greater. Kroc started the Franchise Realty Corporation in order to execute the plan. -Ray Kroc: The Vision that Revolutionized the World

When did Ray Kroc become president of the McDonald's Corporation?

Kroc became president in 1955. He continually clashed with the brothers and bought out all of Dick and Mac McDonald's shares six years later in 1961. He held the title of president until 1977, when he reassigned himself to the position of senior chairman. This was his title in the company until his passing in 1984. -Biography.com

Did Ray Kroc really meet Joan Smith when he saw her playing the organ at a restaurant?

Yes. This part of the movie appears to be largely true. Ray Kroc was having dinner at the Criterion restaurant and was speaking to the restaurant's owner, who was interested in becoming a McDonald's franchisee. During the conversation, Ray noticed an attractive woman playing "classy organ music" in the background. The owner took Ray over and introduced him to Joan Smith. Unlike in the movie, the restaurant's owner, Jim Zien, was not Joan's husband. She was married to Rollie Smith, who did eventually become involved with McDonald's, as the manager at Zien's first location. Kroc, an experienced piano player, did perform duets with Joan, but not until later meetings. They only exchanged small talk during their first encounter. Soon, Ray moved out and divorced Ethel. Like in the movie, he gave her $30,000 a year in alimony, the house, the car, and pretty much everything else, except stock in McDonald's.

What the movie doesn't show is that Joan's daughter and mother had helped to convince her not to get a divorce and stay with her husband Rollie, despite having fallen in love with Ray Kroc. It would take another eight years before she would leave Rollie to marry Ray. In the meantime, Ray married Jane Dobbins Green, who was John Wayne's secretary and completely opposite Joan in personality. More of a pushover and less strong-willed than Joan, Ray never found true happiness with her, in part because he had never stopped loving Joan. Ray and Jane divorced in 1968. He married Joan the following year. -Grinding It Out: The Making of McDonald's

Did Ray Kroc's deal to buy out the brothers really not include the original McDonald's restaurant in San Bernardino?

Yes. Kroc wasn't aware that the agreement excluded the original restaurant, but the McDonald brothers insisted it did. He became furious and since he now owned the rights to the McDonald's name, he forced Dick and Mac McDonald to rename the restaurant "The Big M." Kroc then opened a brand new McDonald's a block away, and after six years it put The Big M out of business.

Did Ray Kroc renege on his handshake deal to pay the McDonald brothers a percentage of the revenue from the franchises?

Did Ray Kroc really credit himself with being the founder of McDonald's?

Yes. After the McDonald brothers sold the company to Ray Kroc in 1961 for $2.7 million, he began to take credit for its birth. "Suddenly, after we sold, my golly, he elevated himself to the founder," said Richard McDonald in a 1991 interview (Sun Journal). Kroc reinforced his claim of being the founder in his 1977 biography, Grinding It Out: The Making of McDonald's, in which he largely traces McDonald's origins to his own first McDonald's restaurant in Des Plaines, Illinois (it was actually the ninth restaurant overall). However, he does include Dick and Mac and their original restaurant in his book. Kroc didn't open his Des Plaines restaurant until April 15, 1955, roughly seven years after the McDonald brothers opened the original San Bernardino location in 1948 (The New York Times).

Who does the McDonald's company consider to be its founder?

For years, McDonald's celebrated Founder's Day by honoring "founder Ray Kroc." However, in 1991, the company decided to honor the McDonald brothers in addition to Kroc. "They are founders, they founded the concept," said Fred Turner, McDonald's then senior chairman. "Ray Kroc founded the company that developed that concept into the largest food service organization in the world" (Sun Journal).

Supersize your knowledge of The Founder true story with the McDonald's and Ray Kroc documentaries listed below. Then enjoy a vintage 1972 McDonald's training video.


Joel Swagman (Reviews / TESOL)

Another documentary I watched off of TV links. (They wouldn't have had it at my local video store anyway). That TV links is a dangerous site, isn't it? As if the Internet didn't waste enough of my time as it is. but nevertheless here's the link for anyone interested.

I had never heard of Ethel MacDonald before. Neither have most people. Which, according to the Internet, is one of the reasons this documentary was made in the first place, in order to rescue Ethel MacDonald's forgotten legacy.

Ethel MacDonald was a Scottish anarchist who took part in the Spanish civil war as a journalist and radio propagandist for the Spanish Republic. According to wikipedia she was also active in the 1950s peace movement towards the end of her life, but this documentary only focuses on the Spanish Civil War.

The Spanish Civil War, and in particular the anarchist movement associated with it, has long been one of those areas of history that I've been interested in but never got around to thoroughly reading up on. (So much interesting history, so little time. Regular readers of this blog of course know that lately I've been focusing my reading on the Paris Commune, another land mark in anarchist history).

The Spanish Civil War, with its different stages and shifting alliances between monarchists, fascists, republicans, anarchists, and communists has often confused better history students than me. Add to that the story of international support for the Spanish Civil war, and then on top of everything the personal story of journalist Ethel MacDonald, and you have a film which is juggling a lot. Fortunately the film makers do a good job of narrating the material. It may not get too in depth about the Spanish Civil War, but it never gets too confusing either. It handles each topic briefly, but it handles enough topics to maintain interest.

As you would expect, there is lots of archival footage and old news reels. But there are also actors to supply the visuals when the archival footage doesn't exist--similar to the BBC series "Days that Shook the World" (which I guess is why the film is labeled docu-drama). At times this gives the film a bit of a cheesy feel, but the constant visuals also help to give a narrative to the muddled history of the Spanish Civil War.

There is also the usual cuts away to the talking head experts, the only one really recognizable is Noam Chomsky. Chomsky doesn't seem to know a lot about Ethel MacDonald (or at least they don't ask him about her) but he fills in a lot of the history and analysis of the Spanish Civil War, and is brilliant, articulate, and a pleasure to listen to as always.

The story of the Spanish Civil War is one of deep divisions and betrayals on the left (a theme also present in Hemingway's "For Whom the Bell Tolls") and Ethel MacDonald's own experience serves as a very good example around which larger themes are introduced. Once the Communists turn against the anarchists in Barcelona, MacDonald has to go into hiding from the very republican government she was fighting for.

If you hang out in activist circles (as I do on occasion when I'm in the US) the betrayal in Barcelona is still remembered by the anarchists. I was at a media mouse event last year where I remember a woman advocating that anarchists should never make common cause with communists because as soon as communists get into power the first thing they do is shoot all the anarchists (Barcelona being one example, the Russian Revolution another).

It is hard to argue with historical fact, and everyone knows that history does to some extent repeat itself but I'm wary of turning historical precedent into some sort of religious dogma that can be applied across the board to all countries in all time periods. Communism, anarchism or any ideological movement does not have an independent life of its own but is made up of nothing more or less than its human adherents, and people are always different depending on circumstances.

At any rate, in a country like the US where the communists are in no danger of rising to power any time soon, I hardly see the danger in cooperating on anti-war projects. I circulated A.N.S.W.ER. petitions back in 2002 and don't feel a bit guilty about it. But all of this is probably another topic for another post.

Link of the Day
Swagman family blogging: my sister's post on the last couple weeks and everyone being back in town for my brother's wedding (even features a picture of me at the Swagman family dinner table)
Plus news that she and her boyfriend got engaged. Congratulations!


ETHEL MacDONALD (1909-1960)

Ethel, one of a family of nine, was born in Bellshill and came to live in Glasgow as a young teenager in the mid twenties. Soon after, she became a socialist and mixed for a time with the ILP. By about 1932 she made contact with Bakunin House and the anti-parliamentarians, including Guy Aldred, and from this time on she became more and more identified with Anarchist ideas in the revolutionary struggle.

A gifted linguist, she went to Spain in 1936 accompanied by her friend and colleague Jenny Patrick. Whilst Jenny travelled on to help in Madrid, Ethel stayed to work with the Anarchists in Barcelona. She was there during the famous ‘May Events’ when the Republicans had their own civil war behind the lines – with the Communists determined to break the power of the CNT even if it meant losing the war against Franco.

For several days Ethel took part in the street battles on the CNT/FAI barricades. Of her many broadcast speeches on Radio Barcelona, seven were published in the Bellshill Speaker in 1937. ‘The Volunteer Ban’, the speech chosen here, was published in Regeneration the same year. Ethel’s whereabouts were unknown for several months after her imprisonment by the Communists.

On her release towards the end of 1937, six hundred wellwishers crowded into Queen Street station to cheer her return. The remainder of her life was likewise devoted to the libertarian struggle. She, along with Guy Aldred, Jenny Patrick and John Taylor Caldwell, founded the United Socialist Movement and worked from the Strickland Press in George Street, Glasgow, producing in all 25 volumes of their monthly paper The Word. On 1 December, 1960, Ethel died in Knightswood Hospital. She was only 51 years old. In view of the nature of the illness from which she suffered -multiple sclerosis – it was her wish that her body be donated to the University of Glasgow for medical research in the hope that other sufferers might benefit. It was typical of the quality of mind displayed by this woman throughout her life.

An invaluable collection of papers, posters, leaflets, letters and other historical memorabilia was brought from Spain in 1937 and, through the Mitchell Library, bequeathed by Ethel to the people of Glasgow.

The Volunteer Ban
TOMORROW, SATURDAY, THE 20th of February, 1937, is the date fixed by the Sub-Committee of Non-intervention, sitting in London, for the commencement of the ban on volunteers for Spain. Volunteers to Spain! From where have these volunteers come? Italy has sent, not volunteers, but conscripts. Germany landed in Spanish territory, not volunteers, but conscripts. The army of rebel Franco consists, not of volunteers, but of conscript Moors, conscript Germans, conscript Italians, all bent on making Spain a Fascist colony and Africa a Fascist hell, with the defeat and the retreat of democracy everywhere.
The situation today proves the truth of the words of St. Simon and of Proudhon that parliamentarianism is the road to militarism, that parliamentary democracy is impossible, and that mankind must accept industrial democracy, revolutionary syndicalism. But syndicalism and industrial democracy do not imply trades unionism which is the British idea of organisation and action. If mankind is not prepared to accept this, then the only other alternative is a retreat to barbarism and militarism. An insistence on parliamentary so-called democracy is merely playing with freedom and in effect, retreating to militarism. The progressive conquest of political power under capitalism is a snare and a delusion. The present situation in Germany illustrates this truth very clearly.
If parliamentary socialism had any worth whatever, this could never have taken place. Germany could have given the world the example that would have set alight the fires of world revolution. But Germany failed because of this paralysing belief in parliamentarianism and this disbelief in the power and initiative of the working class. It has been left to Spain, with its Anarcho-syndicalism, to do what Germany should have done. And this paralysis extends to other countries that still believe in the power of parliament as an emancipating weapon of the proletariat. It should act as such but that is beyond its power. Belief in parliament does not lead to freedom, but leads to the emancipation of a few selected persons at the expense of the whole of the working class.
What are the actions of the parliamentary parties with regard to support of the Spanish struggle? They talk, they discuss, they speak with bated breath of the horrors that are taking place in Spain. They gesticulate, they proclaim to the world their determination to assist Spain and to see that Fascism is halted and that is all they do. Talk of what they will do. This would not matter if it were not for the fact that the workers, through a disbelief in their own power to do something definite, collaborate with them in this playing with words.
Comrades, fellow-workers, of what use are your meetings that pass pious resolutions, that exhibit Soldiers of the International Column, provide entertainment, make collections and achieve nothing? This is not the time for sympathy and charity. This is the time for action. Do you not understand that every week, every day and every hour counts. Each hour that passes means the death of more Spanish men and women, and yet you advertise meetings, talk, arrange to talk and fail to take any action. Your leaders ask questions in parliament, in the senate, collect in small committees and make arrangements to send clothes and food to the poor people of Spain who are menaced by this horrible monster of Fascism, and in the end, do nothing.
We welcome every man that comes to Spain to offer his life in the cause of freedom. But of what use are these volunteers if we have no arms to give them? We want arms, ammunition, aeroplanes, all kinds of war material. Your brothers who come to us to fight and have no arms to fight with are also being made a jest of by your inaction. We want the freedom of the Mediterranean. We want our rights, the rights that are being taken from us by the combined efforts of international capitalism. You have permitted Franco to have soldiers and arms and aeroplanes and ammunition. Your government, in the name of democracy, have starved the government and workers of Spain, and now they have decided to ban arms, ban volunteers, to the government of the Spanish workers. Your government, workers of the world, are assisting in the development of Fascism. They are conniving at the defeat of the workers’ cause, and you tamely accept this or merely idly protest against it. Workers, your socialism and your communism are worthless. Your democracy is a sham, and that sham is fertilising the fields of Spain with the blood of the Spanish people. Your sham democracy is making the men, women and children of Spain the sod of Fascism. The workers of Spain bid you cry, “Halt!” The workers of Spain bid you act!
I, myself, was in Scotland when sanctions were proposed on behalf of Ethiopia. The Labour Party there threatened war. The Trades Unions threatened war. The Communist Party threatened war. The threats wore off, and Italy seized the land of Ethiopia, and despite the continued protests from various persons, Italy has commenced the exploitation of Abyssinia. Ethiopia is now the colony of Italy.
But Abyssinia is not Spain. Despite its history, Abyssinia is a wild and undeveloped country and may, indeed, in some parts, be semi-savage. But Spain is a land of culture and more important, a land of proletarian development, and it is menaced by the hireling Franco because it possesses proletarian culture. And Franco is assisted by Hitler and Mussolini and all the hordes of international capitalism because of the wealth contained within its territory, and to gain possession of that wealth for purposes of further exploiting the working class and for their own personal aggrandisement, they are prepared to massacre the whole of the Spanish working class. For what are the lives of the workers to them? Labour is cheap, and is easily replaceable.

And you, parliamentarians, you so-called socialists, talk and talk, and know not how to act. Nor when to act. For Spain, you are not even prepared to threaten war. Non-intervention, as a slogan, is an improvement on sanctions. It is even more radically hypocritical. It is more thorough and deliberate lying, for Non-intervention means the connived advance of Fascism. This cannot be disputed. Under the cloak of Non-intervention, Hitler and Mussolini are being assisted in their wanton destruction of Spain. Non-intervention gives them the excuse to do nothing, and behind the scenes to supply these European maniacs with all that they require. Your governments are not for non-intervention. They stand quite definitely for intervention, intervention on behalf of their friends and allies, Hitler and Mussolini. Your governments and your leaders have many points in common with these two scoundrels. All of them lack decency, human understanding, and intelligence. They are virtually the scum of the earth, the dregs that must be destroyed.
Comrades, workers, Malaga has fallen. Malaga was betrayed and you too were betrayed, for you have witnessed not merely the fall of Malaga but the fall of a key defence of world democracy, of workers’ struggle, of world liberty, of world emancipation. Malaga fell you, the world proletariat, were invaded: and you talk. Talk and lament and sigh and fear to act! Tomorrow, Madrid may be bombed once more. Barcelona may be attacked. Valencia may be attacked, and still you talk! When will this talking cease? Will you never act?
To go back to Germany. At the Second Congress of the Third International, Moscow, a comrade who is with us now in Spain, answering Zinoviev, urged faith in the syndicalist movement in Germany and the end of parliamentary communism. He was ridiculed. Parliamentarianism, communist parliament-arianism, but still parliamentarianism would save Germany. And it did. You know this. You know the conditions in that famous land today. Yes, parliamentarianism saved Germany. Saved it from Socialism. Saved it for Fascism. Parliamentary social democracy and parliamentary communism have destroyed the socialist hope of Europe, has made a carnage of human liberty. In Britain, parliamentarianism saved the workers from Socialism, gave them a Socialist leader of a National Government, and has prepared the workers for the holocaust of a new war. All this has parliamentarianism done. Have you not had enough of this huge deception? Are you still prepared to continue in the same old way, along the same old lines, talking and talking and doing nothing?
Spain, syndicalist Spain, the Spanish workers’ republic would save you. Yes, save you with the hunger and blood and struggle of its magnificent people. And you pause and hesitate to gave your solidarity, and pause in your manhood and democracy of action until it is too late.
The crisis is here. The hour of struggle is here. Now is the decisive moment. By all your traditions of liberty and struggle, by all the brave martyrs of old, in the name of the heroic Spanish men and women, I bid you act. Act on behalf of
Spain through living, immediate Committees of Action in Britain, in America, throughout the whole world. Let your cry be not non-intervention, but “Hands off Spain”, and from that slogan let your action come. In your trade union branches, in your political party hall, make that your cry: “All Hands off Spain”. What will your action be? The General Strike. Your message? “Starve Fascism, end the war on Spanish Labour, or – the Strike, the strike and on to Revolution”.
The British Government says: “You shall not serve in Spain.” Good! Then to the British Workers we say make this your reply. “We will serve Spain and the workers in Spain and ourselves in Britain. We strike.” Down tools! There is one flag of labour today. Spain’s Red and Black Flag of Freedom, of Syndicalism and Courage!
“Workers of the world! Rally! Think – and act now!”

From:
Workers City “The Real Glasgow Stands Up”
Edited By Farquar McLay Clydeside Press


By (author) Chris Dolan

In 1936, with civil war sweeping through Spain, Ethel Macdonald – a working-class girl from Motherwell – was to become, for a year, one of the world’s most famous voices. She was perhaps the first example of an ’embedded reporter’, sending dispatches and broadcasts back from the Spanish Anarchist camp in Barcelona to the UK. But she made no pretence of ‘impartiality’ or balance of opinion she was a lifelong anarchist, utterly committed to her cause. Mystery surrounds Ethel Macdonald, from her birth certificate to the last days of her life. When Ethel suddenly fell silent in Barcelona she became the focus of an international search and intergovernmental negotiations. In 1937 the optimism of the previous year had gone. Ethel had been imprisoned, escaped, and was in hiding in a foreign country in the grip of war.Dubbed on newspaper headlines ‘The Scots Scarlet Pimpernel’, she was imprisoned by her erstwhile comrades, the very people she had been fighting alongside and now that she was silenced and in danger, she became even more of an enigma.This book, exactly a century after her birth, uses contemporary accounts, her own words and those of her close associates to unravel the extraordinary mystery of Ethel Macdonald and examines the unique impact that she had during this fascinating period of European history.

Reviews of An Anarchist’s Story: The Life of Ethel Macdonald

The exhilarating true story of Scotland's 'Scarlet Pimpernel' Ethel's reportage from the frontlines of the Spanish Civil War fascinated the UK. At the time, Ethel was the voice of the Republic to Europe.

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Award-winning poet, author and playwright Chris Dolan was born in Glasgow. He writes regularly for radio and screen, and his screenplay for An Anarchist’s Story was broadcast by the BBC in 2006. He has written features, reviews and travel pieces for various newspapers and magazines, including The Independent and Scotland on Sunday, and he has been Literary Reviewer and Features Writer for The Herald since 2002.

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Who Is Ethel Fleming?

Ethel Fleming was born—Ethel Janet Fleming— in Ohio, USA, on December 25 , 1890 , to parents, Alexander Frew Fleming and Janet Fleming . Not to be mistaken with Sir Alexander Fleming, the Scottish biologist and pharmacologist best-known for discovering the world’s first antibiotic substance benzylpenicillin (Penicillin G). Growing up, Fleming was raised in Ohio and spent some part of her childhood in Melrose Park, Cook County, Illinois. She had six other siblings Peter W Fleming Malcolm Blair Fleming Alexander Fleming Andrew Edward Fleming and Mae Belle Nerger .

There are no details about her childhood or what her parents did for a living. However, she attended the same high school as Ray Kroc – Lincoln School in Oak Park. She then became an actress and entertainer best known for her roles in vintage movies such as The Kiss (1916), The Wonderful Thing (1921) and Under Cover (1916).

It’s not certain how Ethel Fleming rose to stardom during her time or the circumstances that led to her choice of profession. By the time Ray Kroc met and married her, she was already a star actress in her thirties. Ray Kroc himself had grown up and spent most of his life in Oak Park. He served as a Red Cross ambulance driver during World War I . Ordinarily, he wouldn’t be allowed to do that because he was a minor but Kroc lied about his age and that put him in service line alongside the Mickey Mouse creator, Walt Disney . In 1919, after the war, Ray Kroc began his career in sales, augmenting his salary as a DJ at the local radio station or a pianist at a nightclub.

He moved on to other jobs that saw him sell everything from real estate in Fort Lauderdale to feminine accessories and embellishments. He also joined the American Stock Exchange in New York, where he read ticker tapes and translating symbols. In 1923, now aged 21, Kroc landed his first stable job as a salesman at Lily Tulip Paper Cup Company.


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By then she was active in the Independent Labour Party in Motherwell and first sought advice from Aldred after a waitressing job in Dumfries fell through. It was the start of a lifelong association, with MacDonald arriving in Barcelona with Aldred’s partner, Jenny Patrick. They were the first of two members of USM’s planned anti-parliamentary delegation to Spain but fundraising for the expedition failed. In November 1936 the women found themselves alone, penniless but fuelled by ideological fire as the conflict raged through the streets and barrios.

A diary entry encapsulates her mood at the time: “If this journey does not make me do something worthwhile, nothing will. I feel that my future centres round here. I am optimistic, I am alive and I am prepared to risk everything in order to be alive.”

According to Daniel Gray in Homage to Caledonia, Scotland and the Spanish Civil War, the pair were possibly the first to report on the street fighting rocking the city, with their account appearing in the Barcelona Bulletin, which was co-published by Aldred and distributed around Glasgow.

But without a clear role in Barcelona, and an increasingly precarious living situation, MacDonald turned to Barcelona Radio, run by anarchist labour union CNT-FAI, to produce English-language broadcasts.

Her North Lanarkshire accent won her fans far and wide, with Gray quoting a story from the then-Glasgow Herald which documented her impact on the airwaves: “A prominent news editor in Hollywood says that he has received hundreds of letters concerning Ethel MacDonald, stating that the writers, in all parts of the USA and Canada, enjoyed her announcements and talks from Barcelona Radio, not because they agreed with what she said but because they thought she had the finest speaking voice they had every heard.”

It was, however, the content of her broadcasts that put her at grave risk after she repeatedly denounced the democratic course being pursued by the Republican government, with its critics – including those on the left – serially rounded up.

MacDonald, who helped to arm militia men and women fighting in the streets, went into hiding but was arrested, first for assisting “counter revolutionary aliens”.

She was imprisoned several times in Spain, with her family in Bellshill becoming increasingly fraught as communication faded out. This was around the time volunteer fighter Bob Smillie, from Larkhall, died in a prison in Valencia after being arrested by Republicans. News of Ethel was that she was seriously ill and in hiding.

A report in the Motherwell Times on 6 August 1937 told of a visit to MacDonald’s parents from volunteer soldier fighter Robert Martin, from Stevenston, who told of Ethel’s release from prison and relative good health. In truth, she was sleeping rough, but she finally arrived back at Central Station on 7 November 1937. There, she addressed a crowd of 300 people and spoke of hopes dulled by sadness and tragedy. By March 1938, the Motherwell Times reported that she had returned to Spain to carry out relief work.


A discussion paper by the Wobblyist Writing Group.

Some leftists have declared recently that Donald Trump’s presidential campaign is fundamentally “anti-political” rather than right wing. But the evidence they offer actually highlights the.


Watch the video: An Anarchists Story Ethel MacDonald Mark Littlewood - Brightcove