The president of Egypt is assassinated

The president of Egypt is assassinated


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Islamic extremists assassinate Anwar Sadat, the president of Egypt, as he reviews troops on the anniversary of the Yom Kippur War. Led by Khaled el Islambouli, a lieutenant in the Egyptian army with connections to the terrorist group Takfir Wal-Hajira, the terrorists, all wearing army uniforms, stopped in front of the reviewing stand and fired shots and threw grenades into a crowd of Egyptian government officials. Sadat, who was shot four times, died two hours later. Ten other people also died in the attack.

Despite Sadat’s incredible public service record for Egypt (he was instrumental in winning the nation its independence and democratizing it), his controversial peace negotiation with Israel in 1977-78, for which he and Menachem Begin won the Nobel Peace Prize, made him a target of Islamic extremists across the Middle East. Sadat had also angered many by allowing the ailing Shah of Iran to die in Egypt rather than be returned to Iran to stand trial for his crimes against the country.

Libyan leader Muammar Qadaffi, who sponsored Takfir Wal-Hajira, had engineered his own unsuccessful attempt on Sadat’s life in 1980. Despite the well-known threats on his life, Sadat did not withdraw from the public eye, believing it was important to the country’s well-being that he be open and available.

Before executing their plan, Islambouli’s team of assassins took hits of hashish to honor a long-standing Middle Eastern tradition. As their vehicle passed the reviewing stand, they jumped out and started firing. Vice President Hosni Mubarak was sitting near Sadat but managed to survive the attack. Taking over the country when Sadat died, Mubarak arrestedhundreds of peoplesuspected to have participated in the conspiracy to kill Sadat.

Eventually, charges were brought against 25 men, who went to trial in November. Many of those charged were unrepentant and proudly admitted their involvement. Islambouli and four others were executed, while 17 others were sentenced to prison time.


Oct. 6, 1981 | Egypt’s Anwar Sadat Is Killed

Library of Congress President Anwar Sadat of Egypt in 1975, six years before his death on Oct. 6, 1981.
Historic Headlines

Learn about key events in history and their connections to today.

On Oct. 6, 1981, President Anwar Sadat of Egypt was shot to death by Islamic militants during a military parade. The assassination occurred when a truck carrying the Army officer Khalid Islambouli stopped in front of the president’s reviewing stand Mr. Islambouli began hurling grenades toward Mr. Sadat, and three other extremists fired indiscriminately into the crowd, killing Mr. Sadat and 11 others.

William Farrell, an eyewitness, described the events in the Oct. 7 New York Times: “Within seconds of the attack, the reviewing stand was awash in blood. Bemedaled officials dived for cover. Screams and panic followed as guests tried to flee, tipping over chairs. Some were crushed under foot. Others, shocked and stunned, stood riveted.”

President Sadat was the focus of Islamic extremists primarily for his dealings with Israel. Though he had become a national hero in 1973 for springing a surprise attack against Israel in the Sinai Peninsula, the eighth anniversary of which was being celebrated in the parade, his decision to sign a peace treaty with Israel in 1979 had turned him into a pariah in the Arab world.

Mr. Sadat received numerous reports of assassination plots against him. As a result, he cracked down on extremists and his opponents in the government, though he did not strongly focus on the military. After his death, hundreds of extremists were arrested and his assassins were executed.

Mr. Sadat’s death did not bring about the political change his assassins had hoped for. He was succeeded by Hosni Mubarak, who maintained close relationships with the West and marginalized Islamic fundamentalists and other critics during his 30 years in power.

Connect to Today:

Mr. Mubarak resigned in February after 18 days of protests in Cairo and other cities. Despite popular support for the revolutionary events that ended 30 years of Mr. Mubarak’s autocratic rule, Egypt remains politically fragile. When peaceful protests turned violent this summer, some wondered what the future might hold for the country. What are your thoughts? Does Egypt have the potential to become a peaceful, democratic state, given the current momentum for change? Why or why not?


Is History Coming for Sisi’s Regime?

Even with a cane, Egyptian human rights activist Saad Eddin Ibrahim, 82, walks with severe difficulty, a problem that began during his several years in prison in the early 2000s. Ibrahim is the grand old man of democracy and human rights in Egypt: a prolific author and long-time professor at the American University in Cairo, and a famous dissident intellectual against the stagnation and brutality of Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year regime that ended in 2011.

Meeting Ibrahim and listening to him talk about his country with piercing insight for several hours recalled my frequent talks in the 1980s with the great anti-communist dissident Milovan Djilas, who, witnessing the rot inside the oppressive and calcifying Yugoslav system, had predicted the collapse of his own country years in advance of it happening. Indeed, though Ibrahim was careful to talk strictly about the past, his words carry a warning about Egypt’s future.

Even with a cane, Egyptian human rights activist Saad Eddin Ibrahim, 82, walks with severe difficulty, a problem that began during his several years in prison in the early 2000s. Ibrahim is the grand old man of democracy and human rights in Egypt: a prolific author and long-time professor at the American University in Cairo, and a famous dissident intellectual against the stagnation and brutality of Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year regime that ended in 2011.

Meeting Ibrahim and listening to him talk about his country with piercing insight for several hours recalled my frequent talks in the 1980s with the great anti-communist dissident Milovan Djilas, who, witnessing the rot inside the oppressive and calcifying Yugoslav system, had predicted the collapse of his own country years in advance of it happening. Indeed, though Ibrahim was careful to talk strictly about the past, his words carry a warning about Egypt’s future.

Mubarak himself orchestrated Ibrahim’s imprisonment and exile as well as the frivolous court cases and smear campaign against him. Mubarak’s hatred of Ibrahim was personal, since Ibrahim had once been a friend of the Egyptian leader’s family and had taught Mubarak’s wife, Suzanne, and his son Gamal at the American University in Cairo. To Mubarak, Ibrahim had betrayed the family. “That stupid man,” Mubarak reportedly said in reference to Ibrahim’s persecution. “He could have had anything he wanted.” That is, if Ibrahim had only been loyal. It was the same situation with Djilas, who had been Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito’s World War II comrade-in-arms and postwar heir apparent yet broke with his boss over moral and political issues. Tito, a brilliant communist leader, at least understood Djilas’s decision as an ideological disagreement even as he imprisoned and otherwise tried to crush him for it. But Mubarak, a dull and narrow caretaker of a ruler, had no understanding for why Ibrahim wanted to give up his position and comfortable life situation merely for the sake of principles. And it wasn’t as if Ibrahim in the early 2000s was advocating for Mubarak’s overthrow. Back then, Ibrahim only wanted Egypt to liberalize and become a place of enlightened authoritarianism, such as Oman.

What specifically got Ibrahim in trouble was an essay he published in Arabic in a Saudi weekly in the middle of 2000, in which he speculated that Mubarak was quietly grooming Gamal to succeed him. Syrian dictator Hafez al-Assad had died only three weeks earlier and had been succeeded by his son Bashar. In a way, like Syria, Ibrahim argued, Egypt would become half a republic (“gumhuriyya”) and half a monarchy (“almalakiyya”), that is, in an Arabic word Ibrahim coined, a “gumlukiyya.” The regime quickly dispatched Ibrahim to prison.

Two decades on, Ibrahim coolly assessed Mubarak’s rule for me—with great implications for Egypt’s current military ruler, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. “Mubarak did a great service to the country during his first decade in power. He calmed a nation that was on the brink of conflict after [Anwar] Sadat’s assassination and got the economy back on track. His second 10 years there were lots of promises but no delivery, and his last 10 years were a disaster, when Egyptians became humiliated on account of economic and political stagnation.”

It is a typical story. A dictator at first contemplates liberal change. In the early period of his rule, Mubarak had even dispatched Ibrahim to Mexico to study how that country was transitioning to democracy. But as a dictator realizes just how much risk such liberalization entails, he retreats back into his authoritarian shell. Then, as he ages, it dawns on him there is no trustworthy mechanism for succession—one that would protect his family and the wealth it had acquired—so he decides eventually on a pseudo-monarchy. “Any president of Egypt does well at the beginning. But given enough time, no ruler does well,” Ibrahim said.

The Arab Spring that eventually toppled Mubarak would itself prove to be a disappointment—a betrayal even. Ibrahim explained it is actually quite common for revolutions to be hijacked. The Russian Revolution was hijacked by the Bolsheviks and the Iranian Revolution by the Islamic clergy. The French Revolution had its Reign of Terror and military rule by Napoleon Bonaparte. The American Revolution was really an evolution that owed much to British constitutional practices of the century before thus, it was spared this fate. So it did not come as a great surprise to Ibrahim that the Arab Spring in Egypt would be hijacked too.

The Arab Spring brought Ibrahim back to Egypt from exile in the United States. But as he surveyed Tahrir Square in person, he became worried. “There were no leaders, no platform. Enthusiasm is no substitute for rule,” he said. Hence, Ibrahim wrote a column about the danger of the revolution being hijacked. A decade after the Arab Spring, with the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood followed by that of Sisi, Ibrahim said: “The Muslim Brotherhood never dissolves. It is always in reserve, a civilian army with the same disciplined hierarchy as the military. But what keeps the military in power now is not only the memory of Muslim Brotherhood rule but the memory of the anarchy that accompanied it.”

Indeed, while the world’s media projected the Arab Spring as a pageant of democratic yearning playing out in Tahrir Square, many Egyptians remember the chaos, the looting, the sound of gunshots at night, homes vandalized by mobs, and the gangs of young men in the streets and at the airport. The middle class especially feared for its well-being. It’s these memories that still form the bedrock of popular support for the Sisi regime.

But what about Sisi’s prospects going forward?

Ibrahim and others suggested a leader’s claim to legitimacy, particularly in the wake of a revolution, is sheer ambition: ambition to build and develop his country. That was then-Egyptian leader Mohammed Ali’s claim to legitimacy following Napoleon’s departure from Egypt. It was then-Egyptian leader Khedive Ismail Pasha’s claim in the second half of the 19th century. Both had been great builders, laying the foundation for modern Cairo. And it has been Sisi’s ambition in the wake of the failed Arab Spring.

Sisi is actually the opposite of Mubarak. Rather than a leader with a caretaker mentality, he is a hard-working man in a hurry. He knows the street toppled both Mubarak in 2011 and Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi in 2013. Sisi is determined this won’t happen to him. Thus, he has become a modernizer somewhat in the mold of the late 20th century, enlightened authoritarian-style rulers like Park Chung-hee in South Korea, Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore, and Mahathir bin Mohamad in Malaysia. He is using the digitalization of record-keeping to get Egypt’s rich to pay more taxes. He has been building a grandiose new capital and satellite cities in the desert with China’s help. There are literally hundreds of new projects, such as fisheries, wastewater management, and slum eradication, he has initiated with aid from Japan and Europe.

Yet, Egypt’s economy is still dominated by a steeply hierarchical and inflexible military at a time when flattened hierarchies are best positioned to take advantage of the digital age’s complexities. The establishment media is reportedly under the control of intelligence services. Sisi’s record on human rights is simply atrocious with many activists in jail and reports of disappearances and widespread torture. And because no criticism is allowed from outside the regime, Sisi’s rule threatens to be undermined by a climate of insufficient critical thinking. In fact, it was the very absence of debate under former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s hard, ideological regime that was a factor in Egypt’s military disasters in Yemen in the 1960s and against Israel in 1967.

Sisi’s first decade has been full of promise—as was Mubarak’s. The Washington cliché that Egypt is an autocracy of fading relevance and going nowhere is just plain wrong. Egypt’s security relationship with Israel is extremely active and intense. The regime’s treatment of the minority Coptic Christian community is better than at any point since before the 1952 Free Officers coup. But as Ibrahim’s analysis shows, Sisi may become prone to the same forces of decline as his military predecessors in power. Sheer energy and Asian role models will not be enough. Ibrahim’s life message—the same as Djilas’s—is that without a vital dose of freedom and human rights, true modernity does not happen. That was Nasser’s and Mubarak’s tragedy. Can Sisi break the cycle?


MEDIA

Egypt is a major regional media player. Its TV and film industries supply much of the Arab-speaking world with content and its press is influential.

TV is the favourite medium and there are several big hitters in the sector, including the state broadcaster.

The authorities have been increasing controls over traditional and social media to an unprecedented degree.

Reporters Without Borders says Egypt is "one of the world's biggest prisons" for journalists.


Presidential Policies

Sadat held several high offices in Nasser&aposs administration, eventually becoming vice president of Egypt (1964�, 1969�). Nasser died on September 28, 1970, and Sadat became acting president, winning the position for good in a nationwide vote on October 15, 1970.

Sadat immediately set about separating himself from Nasser in both domestic and foreign policies. Domestically, he initiated the open-door policy known as infitah (Arabic for "opening"), an economic program designed to attract foreign trade and investment. While the idea was progressive, the move created high inflation and a large gap between the rich and poor, fostering unease and contributing to the food riots of January 1977.

Where Sadat really made an impact was on foreign policy, as he began peace talks with Egypt&aposs longtime foe Israel almost immediately. Initially, Israel refused Sadat&aposs terms (which proposed that peace could come if Israel returned the Sinai Peninsula), and Sadat and Syria built a military coalition to retake the territory in 1973. This action ignited the October (Yom Kippur) War, from which Sadat emerged with added respect in the Arab community.


Muhammad Naguib

The first President of Egypt, Muhammad Naguib, served from June 18, 1953, until November 14, 1954. He is significant in Egyptian history because he led the revolution that ended the Muhammad Ali Dynasty of Egypt and Sudan. Without the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, Egypt might not have become a democracy until many years later. As President, Naguib helped establish the first government of the Republic of Egypt and fought with the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) to bring Egypt under civilian rule instead of the military. Losing support of the RCC was the downfall of Naguib’s role as President. He was later accused of being involved with illegal activities and a plot to become a dictator. After fighting for nearly a year for control, Naguib was beaten and agreed to resign.


On the night of May 31, the basement of St. John’s parish house suffered fire damage during protests against police brutality and racism. The following day President Donald Trump staged a photo-op outside after police forcibly cleared the streets of demonstrators, putting the church’s apolitical ethos to the test.

St. John’s Episcopal Church was built in 1815 and its first service was Oct. 27, 1816. It’s often called the “church of the presidents,” since almost every single president has attended at least one service there – since James Madison, according to a profile in The Washington Post.


Mohammed Anwar Sadat, president of Egypt, is assassinated in 1981

Mohammed Anwar Sadat did not come to power as a man of peace, but it was as a peacemaker of unprecedented boldness - and unprecedented courage - that the world will remember him.

It was in the cause of peace, and at a grave personal risk that he acknowledged and accepted, that Sadat undertook his breathtaking initiatives to pull Arabs and Jews back from the brink of war that always seems a single bullet away in the Middle East.

He managed it partly because, as ruler of Egypt, he also was the unelected but traditional chief spokesman for the world, and partly because of his own enigmatic, pragmatic and visionary policies.

In contrast to most Arab rulers, and his own early life, he took a long view of Middle East politics and sensed, better than most, the changes in the winds of international affairs.

His life was a drama that took him from a dusty village on the banks of his beloved River Nile to the great halls of international power. As a young man, he preached bloodshed and spent years in prison. By the time of his death, he was wily cosmopolitan who masked his ruthlessness behind an easy smile and puffs of smoke from a favorite briar pipe - and who veered wildly but sincerely between stern paternalism and experiments in democracy.

He veered politically, too, turning first West, then East, then West again in his quest for the economic and political help that Egypt needed so desperately. At the end, he was firmly committed to the West.

And running through his life was a thread of irony and luck that sometimes seemed the stuff of fiction.

The boldest, most risky venture of his life took him to Israel itself in 1977 for the first public, face-to-face meeting between an Israeli and Arab leader. It was a visit that raised peace hopes enormously - and stirred intense hatred toward Sadat by the militants and radicals of the Arab world.

At the end of the historic - and for once, the word seemed inadequate - visit, Sadat and Menachem Begin, whose nations had fought four wars in the previous 25 years, including one that had ended only four years earlier, pledged never to war again. It electrified the world and led, two years later, to a historic agreement at Camp David that formally put that pledge in writing. And it led to a Nobel Peace Prize, shared with Begin.

It was the ultimate irony of his life because, as a young man, Sadat was an avowed terrorist who fought to drive the British from Egypt and who, in 1973, stood on the banks of the Suez Canal to hurl his armies into battle against Israel.

It also was an irony of another sort. Sadat preached revolution but promoted the politics of restraint. And in doing so, he captured the attention and respect of the world in a way that his more flamboyant predecessor, Gamal Abdel Nasser, never achieved.

Sadat was a world traveler who dressed in British tailored suits and smoking jackets and usually was pictured puffing away on a pipe - as much of a trademark as jelly beans are for President Reagan. He laughed easily, bantered in a folksy way with TV interrogators and often scooped up children to hug them.

(Under Islamic law, he was still married to his first wife, by whom he had three daughters. He also had a son and three daughters by his second wife.)

Some critics said it was all part of his image-polishing strategy - and in a way it was - but others credited the influence of his half-English second wife, Jihan. In any case, he obviously had come a long way on a short time.

Foreigners were captivated by him. He spoke fluent English, German and Farsi (the language of Iran) and read avidly, everything from classical Islamic literature to Zane Grey. He quoted Abraham Lincoln and Karl Marx, and his tastes ranged from spicy Egyptian dishes to French cuisine.

Still, Sadat never lost his preference for the simple life. Although he lived in an elegant villa alongside the Nile, and in one or another of eight presidential rest houses scattered around the country, he lived modestly, and remained a devout Moslem, obedient to the rituals and requirements of his faith. (The dark spot in the middle of his forehead was a callus, from his years of praying with his head to the ground.)

During his 11 years in power, he carefully polished his image - and dealt firmly with opponents. Only a month ago, he rounded up more than 1,000 political and religious opponents, a step that troubled some of his allies. But there was no doubt that he remained enormously popular at home.

What thwarted the national unity and prosperity that Sadat sought were the age-old curses that run through Egypt as surely as the Nile itself - poverty, hunger, disease and ignorance. His domestic policies could not overcome them, and many critics said he turned to international affairs to compensate for that failure.

He was born on Christmas Day in 1918 in the dusty delta village of Mit Abu Al-Kom, the son of a poor cotton and orange farmer and a Sudanese mother, which accounted for his dark skin.

When Anwar was 6, his father landes what Egyptians considered that most valuable of employment - a civil service job - and moved to Cairo, where he worked as a clerk in a military hospital. Anwar attended a religious elementary school, where he became an admirer of Mahatma Gandhi, the preacher of passive resistance, and in 1936, at age 18, he entered the state's Military Academy. One of his classmates was Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Sadat also was growing more radical. His anti-British activities made him a young man wanted both by British troops and the political police of King Farouk. He was, cohorts remember, impulsive and bloodthirsty. By 1941, with Britain at war with Germany, Sadat was plotting to expel the British from his homeland.

He had become, along with Nasser, a junior officer in the Egyptian army, but he also spent much time concocting plots. Once, his intrigues with German spies in Cairo were betrayed by a belly dancer. Sadat was court-martialed, kicked out of the army and sent to prison in Upper Egypt. he was 24 years old.

(Later, enemies would charge that Sadat was pro-Nazi. By all accounts, however, he was simply an implacable foe of British rule in Egypt. In keeping with an old Arab saying, "The enemy of my enemy is my friend," Sadat apparently tried to use the Germans as much as they tried to use him.)

Sadat spent two years in prison before he went on a hunger strike and was taken to a hospital, where he escaped, to spend the rest of the war years hiding in mosques in Cairo and working as a menial laborer.

After the war, Sadat began a member of an underground group working to throw out the British. Once, he said later, he pleaded with Nasser to blow up the British Embassy and everyone inside it. Nassar said no, but appointed Sadat head of a civilian auxiliary.

It was during this time that he turned outright terror, bungling an attempt to assassinate pro-British politicians. After the assassinate several prominent Egyptian politician in 1945, however, Sadat was arrested and held for 2 ½ years before going on trial on charges of helping plot the murder. He was acquitted.

Released, he spent two years struggling to make a living. He worked for a time as a journalist and he drove a truck. He quickly went broke. But fate intervened again in 1950, and at the urging of King Farouk's personal physician, Sadat's army commission was restored.

He was a lieutenant colonel serving in Gaza in the summer of 1952 when Nasser sent him an urgent message, telling him to return to Cairo. He arrived July 22, but finding no sign of Nasser, he took his family to the movies. When he returned home, he found a note from Nasser reading, "Operations begins tonight." He put on his uniform and drove to rendezvous point.

He was supposed to seize the Cairo radio station at dawn July 23 and read the proclamation announcing the military coup. This, in turn, was the signal for the uprising to begin. The 6 a.m. time for the announcement came and went, and Nasser feared that Sadat had again been arrested. But 30 minutes later, Sadat's voice came on the air, and the revolution was on its way.

Later, Sadat explained that just before 6 a.m., a Moslem preacher had started reading the day's lesson. Sadat said that as a pious Moslem, he did not feel that he should interrupt but should wait until the man finished.

As a reward for his role in ousting the king, Nasser named Sadat to various government positions, none with any real power, and finally made him one of Egypt's four vice presidents. He was a vice president when Nasser, whose radio speeches to the Arab masses inflamed the emotions of the Middle East, died of a heart attack Oct. 20, 1970.

Sadat, to the surprise of many outsiders, succeeded Nasser. Insiders believed he was a stand-in, holding the fort until a "real" leader emerged. Sadat, however, quickly began consolidating his grip and within three years was the undisputed master of Egypt. He already had crushed at least one plot against him and expelled the Soviets, among them 15,000 troops - another irony because earlier he had lived one block from the Soviet ambassador and, according to gossip in Cairo, was so close to the ambassador that their homes were linked by a tunnel.


06 october 1981: Anwar Sadat, President of Egypt is assassinated

On 6th of October 1981 Anwar Sadat died after being shot by gunmen who opened fire as he watched an aerial display at a military parade. A number of other dignitaries including foreign diplomats were killed or seriously wounded. President Sadat was attending the eighth anniversary of the Yom Kippur war with Israel as Field Marshal of the armed forces. He had taken the salute, laid a wreath and was watching a display from the Egyptian Air Force when two grenades exploded. Gunmen then leapt from a military truck in front of the presidential reviewing stand and ran towards the spectators, raking officials with automatic gunfire. Despite typically large numbers of security personnel for the ceremonial occasion, eyewitnesses say the attackers were able to keep shooting for well over a minute. By the time the president's bodyguards returned fire at least ten people lay seriously injured or dead inside the stand. Security forces then shot and killed two of the attackers and overpowered the rest, as crowds of military and civilian spectators scrambled for cover. President Sadat was airlifted by helicopter to a military hospital and was believed to have died about two hours later.
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The president of Egypt is assassinated - HISTORY

  • 3100 - The Egyptians develop hieroglyphic writing.
  • 2950 - Upper and Lower Egypt are united by Menes, the first Pharaoh of Egypt.
  • 2700 - Papyrus is developed as a writing surface.
  • 2600 - The first pyramid is built by the Pharaoh Djoser. Imhotep, the famous advisor, is the architect.




Suez Canal from an Aircraft Carrier


Brief Overview of the History of Egypt

One of the oldest and longest lasting civilizations in world history was developed in Ancient Egypt. Starting in about 3100 BC, Menes became the first Pharaoh uniting all of Ancient Egypt under one rule. The Pharaohs ruled the land for thousands of years building great monuments, pyramids, and temples that still survive to this day. The height of Ancient Egypt was in the time of the New Empire from 1500 to 1000 BC.


In 525 BC the Persian Empire invaded Egypt taking over until the rise of Alexander the Great and the Greek Empire in 332 BC. Alexander moved the capital to Alexandria and put the Ptolemy dynasty in power. They would rule for around 300 years.

Arab forces invaded Egypt in 641. Arab Sultanates were in power for many years until the Ottoman Empire arrived in the 1500s. They would remain in power until its power started to wane in the 1800s. In 1805, Mohammed Ali became Pasha of the country and founded a new dynasty of rule. Ali and his heirs would rule until 1952. During this time the Suez Canal was completed as well as the building up of the modern city of Cairo. For some years between 1882 and 1922, the Ali dynasty was a puppet of the British Empire while the country was part of the British Empire.

In 1952, Egypt the monarchy was overthrown and the Republic of Egypt was established. One of the main leaders, Abdel Nasser came into power. Nasser took control of the Suez Canal and became a leader in the Arab world. When Nasser died, Anwar Sadat was elected President. Prior to Sadat becoming president, Egypt and Israel had fought several wars. In 1978, Sadat signed the Camp David accords which led to a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel.


Rise and fall of President Morsi

2012 June - Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi narrowly wins presidential election.

2012 August - Islamist fighters attack an army outpost in Sinai, killing 16 soldiers, and mount a brief incursion into Israel, beginning new insurgency.

2012 December - Islamist-dominated constituent assembly approves draft constitution that boosts the role of Islam and restricts freedom of speech and assembly.

2013 January - More than 50 people are killed during days of violent street protests. Army chief Abdul Fattah al-Sisi warns that political strife is pushing the state to the brink of collapse.

2013 July - Army overthrows President Morsi amid mass demonstrations calling on him to quit. Hundreds are killed as security forces storm pro-Morsi protest camps in Cairo the following month.

2013 December - Government declares Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist group after a bomb blast in Mansoura kills 12.

2014 January - New constitution bans parties based on religion.

2014 May - Former army chief Abdul Fattah al-Sisi wins presidential election.

Islamic State attacks

2014 November - Sinai-based armed group Ansar Beit al-Maqdis pledges allegiance to extreme Islamic State movement, which controls parts of Syria and Iraq. Renames itself Sinai Province.

2015 May - Ousted President Morsi sentenced to death over 2011 mass breakout of Muslim Brotherhood prisoners, along with more than 100 others.

2015 June - Prosecutor-General Hisham Barakat and three members of the public killed in suspected Islamist car bombing in Cairo.

2015 July - Islamic State launches wave of attacks in North Sinai and on Coptic churches nationwide.

2015 October - Islamic State claims responsibility for destruction of Russian airliner in Sinai, in which all crew and 224 tourist passengers were killed.

2016 January - Islamic State carries out attack at Giza tourist site and is suspected of attack on tourists in Hurghada.

2016 November - IMF approves a three-year $12bn loan to Egypt designed to help the country out of its deep economic crisis.

2017 April - State of emergency declared after suicide bombers kill dozens at two churches where worshippers celebrated Palm Sunday.

2017 June - Egypt joins Saudi-led campaign to isolate Qatar, accusing it of promoting terrorism.

2017 November - Jihadists attack mosque in Bir al-Abed village in North Sinai, killing 305.

2018 March - President Sisi wins a second term in elections against a sole minor opposition candidate. More serious challengers either withdrew or were arrested.

2018 October - Seventeen people are sentenced to death over the 2016-17 wave of Islamic State group attacks on churches, and a further 19 receive life sentences.